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Horne Tooke and others, which if known here in time, they would have met their deserts. We have been sincerely anxious for our dear friend, and are happy to hear she is better, and fervently hope to see her here soon, perfectly recovered. I had great reliance on the Bath waters, and will not despair of their good effects.

We are in pain for our West Indian Islands, and not a little for the remains of our infantry from the Continent, still at sea.

With best wishes, your affectionate and obliged friend,

TOWNSHEND.

MR. MARCUS BERESFORD TO MR. BERESFORD.

Merrion Square, May 5th, 1795.

DEAR FATHER,-Our debate on the Catholic question did not end till half-past ten o'clock this morning. It was not only the longest, but the most uninteresting I ever witnessed. On our side, all the strong constitutional points were blinked completely. The debate degenerated into abuse of the Catholics, and attempts to connect them, through Tone, with the United Irishmen, Jackson's treason, &c., &c. Toler opened the debate; he was to have stated the Acts of Parliament that bore upon the question, the nature of the compact in 1782, Yelverton's Act, &c. He certainly stated all the Acts at great length, detailed the nature of the settlement under the Duke of Portland, launched into panegyric of

a

his Grace of the most extravagant nature, spoke for above two hours, and left the question without an attempt to argue it, but concluded with a vehement assertion that the Bill could not be carried without the repeal of the Bill of Rights, the breach of the Coronation Oath, and of the compact between the two countries. The other side was even with him; for they as positively asserted the contrary. The best speakers on our side were Robert Stewart, Luke Fox, and Robert Johnson; but they more animadverted on other men's arguments than brought forward anything new of their own. Robert Stewart is more improved than anybody could conceive. He gave George Ponsonby, who attacked his speech, a very neat cutting, under the pretence of explanation, and managed matters so as not to be interrupted for exceeding the bounds of explanation. We divided at half-past ten, A. M.: for the Bill, 84; against, 155. I have not been in bed. I kept my determination not to speak, owing to what Lord Waterford wrote to you though I was better prepared than I ever had been.

I felt my situation very disagreeable, as I had taken a strong part, when Lord Fitzwilliam was here, to throw out the Bill; and those with whom I had acted called on me to take my part, and I was forced to the explanation of Lord Waterford and I not agreeing on the question.

I am quite tired and stupified, and hardly can write. I hope to hear better accounts of my mother. If the difficulty in breathing continues, I would rather rely on

a Robert Stewart, afterwards Lord Castlereagh.

Warren's and Turton's opinions of her case than on any Bath doctor, though he saw her daily.

Yours affectionately and dutifully,

M. BERESFORD.

MR. MARCUS BERESFORD TO MR. BERESFORD.

Merrion Square, May 22nd, 1795.

DEAR FATHER,-I received yours of the 17th, containing the very alarming account of my mother's situation, which shocked Lady Frances and me very much indeed. I have felt considerable anxiety for some time past on her account; but had no idea that her situation was so dangerous. Quin did not seem to me to be apprehensive that there was anything critical in her disorder.

The House has adjourned to the 5th of June; and to-morrow I go out of town with the Chancellor to Mount Shannon, and return on the 4th, to be present in the House on the 5th.

Yours ever dutifully,

M. BERESFORD.b

Dr. Quin was the leading physician in Dublin of that day.

b Mrs. Beresford expired on the 29th of May, and a cessation of correspondence, except on necessary private business, ensued for some time.

MR. BERESFORD TO LORD FITZWILLIAM.

22nd June, 1795.

MY LORD,-Your Lordship must have seen two letters to Lord Carlisle which have been published in your name, and in general circulation. I have for a long time hoped that they would be disavowed or explained by your Lordship. I was unwilling to suppose that such a publication had ever been sanctioned by you. I could not bring myself to believe that your Lordship, possessing the feelings of a man and the honour of a gentleman, could avail yourself of the power and trust which had been committed to you by His Majesty wantonly to traduce a private character by insinuations expressed in terms so vague and so unqualified as to make it impossible publicly to refute them. From the rank which you hold in society I must presume, if you thought it your duty to impeach my conduct as a servant of the Crown, you would have adopted the fair and manly course of advancing direct and specific charges against me, which must have led to my conviction if they had been founded. Direct and specific charges I could fairly have met and refuted; but crooked and undefined insinuations against private character, through the pretext of official discussion, your Lordship must allow are the weapons of a libeller. The publication in question stated that you recommended my removal from office, “because I was a person under universal and heavy suspicions, subject to the opprobrium and unpopularity attendant on mal-administration and much imputed malversation."

The aspersions contained in this paragraph are so utterly ungrounded, so unprovoked, so unmanly, and so false, that I could not believe your Lordship could have meant to apply them to a gentleman by birth your equal, and, I will tell you, of reputation as unsullied as your own at any period of your life. There is no charge, however monstrous, of which the idea is not here conveyed, and yet there is none to which the paragraph points directly, so as to afford an opportunity for vindication.

Your Lordship will, I trust, feel the justness of the warmth with which I express myself on these aspersions of my character, and that when I give the lie to such aspersions I give it upon reasons as essential to your honour as they are to mine; and if anything were wanting to induce me to believe that your Lordship will concur with me in this opinion, I should be satisfied of it from the communications which were made to me by persons authorised to convey your Lordship's sentiments upon my projected removal from the Board of Revenue, and from the official communications made to me by Lord Milton on the same subject.

Considerations of domestic calamity might sufficiently explain the silence I have hitherto observed, but in other respects I should have been unwilling, perhaps, to have addressed you sooner; I would not appear to avoid any inquiry into my conduct which insinuations, originating from such high authority, might be expected to provoke. It became me, therefore, to await with patience the result of the discussions respecting Irish affairs, which were taking place in both Parliaments, and even till the

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