D. Haywood are perfectly unmoved, when they are charged with being revolutionists; why they preserve a tranquil countenance when horrified. society cries out, "But you are incendiaries!" "We are," Haywood and his like reply, "that's what we have been trying to make you understand. Glad you see the point." Denunciation is wasted on such men; it might as well have been addressed by horrified French society to Danton and Robespierre. "This, then, is war?" I asked (of a member of the I. W. W.) "War between the working class and the master class," he nodded. "There is no use blinking facts. Such a state of things exists. We have the power, only we have never known how to use it. When we use it, the capitalist will be powerless. He is the minority, we have the strength." "All you need is to get the tools of your production in your hands?" A smile of impatience crossed his face. "You don't understand. We have the tools of production already in our hands. All we need to do is to take them up. That is what all the labor movements of the past have missed. our "Stay on the job. That's motto. Don't quit. Strike if you feel like it, but strike always ready to come back. Strike for a momentary advantage, but for the sake of stepping forward towards your control of the product you make." "Then," said I, "in the case, for instance, of the Lawrence strike, you would have won even if you had lost?" "Of course," he said. "And how about politics?" "Well, you've seen our constitution and by-laws. We don't care a continental about politics; we don't aim to pass any laws. We can break up the capitalistic system without that by simply taking hold of the machinery of production. As for voting, a lot of the workers are not even American citizens, and couldn't vote if they tried. But they have just as much right to the wealth they produce as you or I, and if the I. W. W. accomplishes what it aims at, they will get it." For Intimidation As the purposes and methods of the Industrial Workers of the World have never been concealed or disguised, the assault made by certain of its Italian members on the Americans in Berne is not a surprise, however disturbing its complications may be. The growth of this revolutionary society, ingeniously promoted by men of the Haywood type and fostered by the stupidities of some of its shortsighted opponents, has been entirely in the open. The society's present manifestations in spots so widely separated as Massachusetts and Switzerland are inspired by contempt for the law and hatred of its processes and are the culmination of a series of moves for the intimidation of the lawabiding populations, moves that have been made in boastful insolence through a long period of time.-New York Sun. Haywood on the Flag William D. Haywood, at the request of The Cleveland, Ohio, Press, has written an essay on "The Flag", portions of which are reproduced herewith: A lot of lawless Massachusetts citizens who call themselves "vigilantes", say they will tar and feather me and other I. W. W. leaders if we don't wear American flags. There is absolutely no patriotic reason why I should wear a flag at the present time-we are not engaging in any foreign wars. And I say you can hang my hide on a bayonet when I wear an American flag, or any other flag, just because a gang of politicians-capitalistic tools-tell me to! We believe in liberty and the flag when it means something. We carried the flag last winter in all our parades when we carried empty stomachs and aching hearts, but we will not carry it now while the state police and the vigilantes have it for an emblem. Flag Demonstration at Lawrence Residents of Textile Manufacturing City Show Their In protest against the unlawful and revolutionary tactics of the Industrial Workers of the World, 30,000 American flags were carried through the streets of Lawrence, Mass., Oct. 11, by men, women and children. Hardly a building in the city was without decorations. Lining the streets through which the parade passed, spectators stood ten deep, and almost without exception they either waved the stars. and stripes or wore miniature flags on their coats. Representatives of the city government, veterans of the Civil and Spanish wars and members of church, civic and fraternal organizations were in line. Members of the Grand Army of the Republic and of the Boy Scouts and other boys' marching clubs wore the only uniforms displayed except by the musicians. The line passed beneath a big red, white and blue arch, bearing the inscription: "For God and Country. The Stars and Stripes forever; the red flag never. A protest against the Industrial Workers of the World, its principles and methods". With one accord the marching thousands removed their hats and sang and cheered as they approached the arch. At the police station another demonstration occurred. City Marshal Sullivan stood on the steps with his hat in his hand, and as the paraders passed, they cheered and dipped their flags. The Socialists cannot agree among themselves. The New York Call criticizes Haywood for suggesting that Lawrence, Mass., textile workers be taken from there to other industrial fields, and says: It is most sincerely to be hoped that William D. Haywood did not do such an asinine thing as to say that workers of Lawrence, being tired of persecution in Lawrence, will migrate from the city and go where they are not subjected to the same roughness, the same exploitation and brutality. Comrade Haywood knows that it is impossible to migrate from the class struggle. It is not more bitter in Lawrence than it is elsewhere. In the "fertile fields of our glorious west" well, Haywood should be able to speak about them. He has at least gone through them. If he was merely generalizing, then. he sinned against the working class in most grievous fashion. If he thought that he was giving sage advice, then he was guilty of a blunder in understanding. And the person who blunders constantly in understanding is an idiot. Joseph J. Ettor and Arturo Giovanetti, strike leaders, are on trial in Salem, Mass., on the charge of being concerned in the death of Anna Lopizzo, who was shot in the Lawrence riots of last January. Joseph Caruso is also on trial charged with firing the shot that ended the Lopizzo woman's life. The state will undertake to show that the strike leaders incited to and precipitated the riot in which the woman was killed. Testimony that Ettor had advised the strikers to "keep the gun shops busy" and had urged them not to fear the police or the "tin soldiers with their sharp bayonets" was introduced. Two Lawrence police officers testified that Giovanetti had expressed to them defiance of the police and soldiers and James P. Donahue, a Boston newspaper man, recounted speeches alleged to have been made by Ettor at Lawrence which the commonwealth is endeavoring to show led to rioting resulting in the death of the Lopizzo woman. Donahue testified that in addressing one meeting after a young woman had described industrial conditions in the textile mills, Ettor declared: "That reminds me of the French revolution. The workers went to the masters and asked for bread. The masters told them to go and eat cake. Again they went to the masters and they told them to go and eat grass and a short time afterward the lamp posts of Paris were hung with the heads of the masters and in their mouths were wisps of grass." On another occasion, Donahue said, Ettor told the strikers: "Some one is going to be got before this is over, and see to it that it isn't you." Fred F. Flynn, of the Massachusetts district police, testified and described the assault of a girl in the streets of Lawrence, Jan. 29, by rioters. Flynn declared that the defendant Ettor was in the "center of the mob". "I had followed the mob from a street car riot," said Flynn, "when I saw a number of them rush upon a girl who was carrying a lunch box. They took the box away and threw it into the air. Then they laid hands on her and tore off part of her clothing. While this was going on, I saw Ettor pass by in the center of the mob." Flynn and Officer Michael Byron, who arrested Giovanetti after his indictment, testified that the defendant admitted advising the strikers to "sleep by day and act like wild animals at night." On the night Flynn arrested Giovanetti, the defendant, Flynn testified, said to him: I don't want you to put any dynamite in here.' "I assured him that I had brought nothing into the house," Flynn continued, "and told him that he was arrested as an accessory to murder. Then Giovanetti turned to me and asked: 'Have you got Ettor, to?' I told him he would see Ettor at the police station." I. W. W. TACTICS The lawless attitude of the Industrial Workers of the World is too strong for the Western Federation of Miners, which, the editor of the miners' official organ says, was chiefly responsible for the I. W. W.'s birth. The Miners' Magazine, in a recent issue, makes the following comments: The Western Federation of Miners was, to a great extent, responsible for the birth of the Industrial Workers of the World, but when such an organization through its representatives at a convention ignored the constitution and laws of the organization that were adopted by the membership and flagrantly trampled every principle of democracy under foot it became imperative for the Western Federation of Miners to sever its connection with an organization whose conduct would add no luster to the history of the labor movement of this continent. The material interests of the working class will not be advanced by blood-curdling circulars of professional slanderers, whose fanaticism has led them to believe that they have a license to hiss their venom at every man in the labor movement who refuses to recognize them as the profound exponent of real unionism. Hunger strikes and sabotage are not weapons of intelligent men in the labor movement. Insulting or spitting on the American flag is no more proof of intelligence than an assault by a bull on a red rag. We are unalterably opposed to their tactics and methods and are in complete harmony with the action taken. by the Western Federation of Miners when its membership, by referendum vote, refused to recognize the I. W. W. as a bona fide labor organization. Industrial unionism will not come through soup houses, spectacular free speech fights, sabotage or insults to the flags of nations. Men will not be organized or educated by means of violence, for means of violence are but the weapons of ignorance. Walter Drew Sounds Warning Note Tells Senate Committee Anti-Injunction Law Before a senate committee considering the Clayton anti-injunction bill, which has already passed the national house of representatives, Mr. Walter Drew, counsel for the National Erectors' Association, reviewed the history of dynamiting by members of labor organizations affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and made the point that no bill like the Clayton anti-injunction measure ought to be passed to put power in the hands of men who had already abused it to such criminal extent. Mr. Drew's argument was bold. Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, was present, and Mr. Drew did not hesitate to speak plainly in Mr. Gompers' presence and to say just what he thought. Mr. Drew's statement to the committee has been embodied in a pamphlet entitled "The Crime of the Century and Its Relation to Politics". This pamphlet is being very widely circulated. Mr. Drew told the history of how the erectors of structural iron parted company with organized labor in 1905, when organized labor struck to enforce the closed shop. He told of the dynamiting outrages which had ensued following closely upon the heels of the separation and which had continued, culminating of the dynamiting of the plant of The Los Angeles Times and the sacrifice of twenty-one lives. He quoted from The Bridgemen's Magazine, the organ of the Structural Iron Workers, of which J. J. McNamara was once secretary, veiled threats against erectors of structural iron and steel, who did not employ exclusively union labor. The pamphlet closes with an ex hibit giving the statistics of 102 dynamiting outrages, beginning Dec. 2, 1905, and ending Oct. 16, 1911. Among other things Mr. Drew said: A large percentage of our men are old union men, who have left the union and who are glad to work for us and want to continue to work for us. I might say we have been able to pay the cost of one hundred dynamitings, and still we can erect steel and sell it to the final consumer at from 20 to 30 per cent less than we could under the old, closed-shop conditions. This is chiefly due to the removal of union restrictions upon the efficiency of the men. In the beginning, chief reliance seemed to be placed upon the ordinary methods of assault, boycott, etc. Dynamite was used, but only in scattered and isolated cases and in such a way as not to indicate that its use was the result of any general, well organized plan. Later, the explosions were so located and so timed as to show beyond question that they were the results of a careful, systematic plan of campaign, national in its scope and operation. I will read into the record the number of dynamitings in different years. In the latter part of 1905 two attempts to dynamite open-shop erection work were made. In 1906 there were three successful explosions and four attempts. In 1907 there were six explosions. In 1908 there were 19 explosions and four attempts. In 1909 there were 21 explosions and two attempts. In 1910 there were 25 explosions, and in 1911, up to April 12, the time of the arrest of McManigal and J. B. McNamara, there were ten explosions. With the exception of one dynamiting at Mount Vernon, N. Y., on the night before Labor Day, September, 1911, there has been no dynamiting of structural steel work since the arrest of the McNamaras in April, 1911. I will give 'to the committee a complete list. of the cases, but I will not burden you with them now. To bring this series of outrages home, from the standpoint of a merely criminal performance without equal in the annals of this or any other country, it is estimated, from information already made public, that between three and four hundred quarts of nitroglycerin and over 2,000 pounds of dynamite were transported from one end of this country to the other on passenger trains packed in ordinary suit cases, which were put under the berths in the cars and checked at the stations by the men who blew up these jobs. The Iron Workers' union was one of the important members of the American Federation of Labor, of which Mr. Gompers is president. Its six years' fight to re-establish the closed shop in its industry was of common and general knowledge to all the officers of that organization. In many cases the fight of this union for a closed shop became part of a general fight of building trades unions, all members of the American Federation of Labor, for a like purpose as in the Von Spreckelsen case. Add to this the wide publicity given these outrages and the general reference in the public press in connection with them, and then, finally, in the light of these facts, consider the further fact that Mr. Gompers, the mouthpiece of this union before you today asking for this legislation, was "surprised and pained" when J. J. McNamara, the secretary of the Iron Workers' union, was arrested for complicity in this series of crimes. He was not only "surprised and pained", but he publicly asserted and charged that the arrest was due to a vast conspiracy against unionism, of which the National Erectors' Association was a part, and that the evidence upon which that arrest was based was planted and manufactured by those who had plotted this iniquity against the fair name of organized labor. Let your credence in his good faith in expressing that wonder and surprise and in making those charges be the measure of your credence in his good faith when he stands before you asking for this legislation and asserting his desire for it and its great necessity for the purpose of uplifting labor by the use of orderly and peaceful methods. And again I remind you that these various local troubles with their dynamite accompaniment were given the greatest publicity and notoriety in the press. So bold was this union in its use of the regular union methods of coercion, intimidation and violence that frequent and regular mention, unmistakable in its meaning and import, appeared in the columns of its official magazine, and presumably that magazine, the organ of one of the largest members of his organization, lay_regularly upon the desk of Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor. With such a campaign being so openly and notoriously conducted in one of the most important industries represented in his organization, I ask you again, What sort of a president of the American Federation of Labor would you consider him, had he really been surprised when J. J. McNamara was arrested for complicity in the dynamiting of open-shop work? If coercion. by boycott is fair and proper, if the gathering in large numbers to intimidate a man to quit work or to intimidate an employer into making an agreement is fair, and these and similar things are proper ways to bring about relations between employers and employes, why is not the use of force in the highest form, dynamite, proper? The principle is the same. It is only a question of degree, and I say to you that Mr. McNamara was one of the most logical followers of the doctrines of the American Federation of Labor. I have shown you the spirit of this organization, the boycott, the assaults, the hatred, and the malice; I have shown you what character of men, speaking through Mr. Gompers, stand before you today asking for this legis |