Sidebilder
PDF
ePub

have schemed a theory that all production depends on manual strength. This theory ignores the fact that the best part of all work is mental effort and any honest craftsman, whose trade is of sufficient skill so that it requires combined mental and physical work will admit that the mental work is the harder; and neither Samuel Gompers nor William D. Haywood nor any other man can explain the impossible; that physical labor is enough for the world's production and that executive ability and directing skill are not necessary before anything else can be done.

No workman, no matter how hard he works, need be afraid that he is working hardest. There will always be at least one man that will work harder. His employer. There are many reasons why he works harder than any man he hires, but one is enough-he has to. When he stops working, his business will go to pieces, and so wherever he goes, he takes that business with him. It does not matter if he is trying to go to sleep in his comfortable bed in which, by the way, he sleeps no more comfortably than his employe sleeps in his, or whether he is eating, or whether he is on an ocean liner, or at his club, or on the golf links, that business is on his mind just the same. The responsibility is his and he cannot dodge it. On him, and on him alone, rests the responsibility of the business from which both he and his men get their living.

In

And so, Mr. Workingman, do not be induced to be afraid of work. stinctively you like it and you like to do it perfectly well and when it is done. you take pride in it, all of which proves you are a man and want to do your part of the world's work creditably. Do not be fooled by any man who, to make a salary without working, paid by you who do work, tries to impress you that it is not a question of satisfactory work, but of working just as little as you can to get even with your employer.

There is an old gospel hymn which runs: "Work, for the night is coming." Of a truth the night is coming and it is coming before the morning that follows the last sleep. It is the night of failing eyesight and flabby muscles and wasted tissues and deafness and perhaps rheumatism. Men of the world. of manual labor should work before this night closes in; work the best they can, as many hours, consistently with maintaining good health, as they can; make as good wages as possible, educate their children, give their hard working wives a little passing pleasure and some good clothes and buy a little endowment insurance. By industry and not by dreaming of working as little as possible can workingmen be prepared for the evening of life and be ready for a working day of two hours in the home garden as many or as few days a week as they desire. By this means can they be satisfied with themselves in this world, which they have done their part to improve.

Limit to Right of Free Speech

This right-of-free-speech talk is amusing when not serious, and sometimes amusing even when serious.

In the latest issue of another magazine (we will not be mean enough to say which magazine), the assertion was made, with apparent seriousness, that the authorities in San Diego did very wrong to forbid Emma Goldman to speak in that city, after subjecting her manager to rough treatment; and that the public discussion of anarchy was just as much a part of public education as that of Democracy, Republicanism or any other political belief.

If it has come to a pass when any peaceful journal classes anarchistic venom as something that may be used on the public platform on the basis of right of free speech, it may be expected that somebody will rise up and advocate blaspheny on the street corner or public instruction of young children in dishonesty on the same basis. It strikes us that anarchy is lawlessness and

hence treason, and that the people of San Diego did perfectly right in suppressing Emma Goldman, who is a public nuisance and a dangerous person. regietable, of course, that the San Diego people weakened the effect of their stand for law and order by offering violence to the manager.

It is

The same magazine censures the western judge, who took away the citizens' papers of a socialist who said he did not approve the constitution of the United States. About this we are not so strenuous; are indeed disposed to think that jurists ought to allow a tolerably wide latitude of political belief to naturalized citizens or citizens to be naturalized. Any other course is not quite in harmony with the spirit of American institutions. In this particular case, however, the man had taken an oath to support the constitution of the United States. Then he said he did not approve of that constitution. It is not to be wondered that the thought crossed the judge's mind that the man's support of a constitution, of which he disapproved, might be the reverse of cordial.

[graphic][subsumed][ocr errors][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][merged small]

Haywood Sneers at Patriotism;

Declares It Microbe or "Bug"

Industrial Workers' Organizer Is Interviewed
in Cleveland --- Christian Socialists "Drunk on Re-
ligious Fanaticism" --- Shows His Hatred of Detectives

To study William D. Haywood, the central single figure in the Industrial Workers of the World, at close range was the opportunity of residents of Cleveland, O., who cared to take advantage of it, on Tuesday and Wednesday, July 16 and 17, 1912. Haywood visited that city on those days. He spoke at a Socialist gathering in Luna park, Tuesday evening, and made speeches on the Public Square, Wednesday noon and Wednesday night. In the afternoon of Wednesday he was interviewed by THE AMERICAN EMPLOYER.

Magazines and special newspaper articles have been devoting much space to Haywood of late, describing him as a man of singleness of purpose, determined, forceful, earnest, straightforward and magnetic. He did not impress the writer along exactly those lines. To begin with, in a way, he is cautious. He invites specific acts of rebellion rather by innuendo than by counsel. He is careful, while saying hard things, to say nothing to get himself in trouble. He attacks classes, but spares individuals; yet all that he says is inflaming. He sneers at patriots, yet he says no word directly against any specific officer of the government.

Again, he takes life too comfortably for the real zealot. He stopped, while in Cleveland, at the Colonial, a leading hotel, where he had a room on the second floor. Wednesday was hot. He remained in the hotel until nearly noon and was at ease there again by 4:30 p. m. On the Square, at noon, he made his speech short, though he had a fairly large audience, on the plea that it was too warm to inflict a labor speech on anybody.

In his general talk, Haywood is as sweeping as he is cautious in direct attacks on persons by name. He told one of his audiences that workingmen were "horny headed" sons of toil and that there was no dignity in labor under industrial conditions of the present day. He also told his hearers that he wanted them to hate the capitalistic class.

A

Patriotism, Haywood said, is a "bug". At another time he declared that it is better for a man to be a traitor to his country than to his cause. Christian Socialist, he said, was one who had been "drunk on religious fanaticism and wanted to "sober up on economic truth".

In one of his speeches, Haywood first inveighed against detectives and later, in illustration, said that if a detective should be in the audience and trouble ending in homicide should ensue, he could not be blamed any more than could Ettor and Giovannetti be blamed because the woman at Lawrence, Mass., was killed.

In his interview Haywood sent greeting to the employers and word that

he was for the organization of men. He discussed the Darrow trial in Los Angeles, saying he believed that Darrow would be exonerated.

Those who heard Haywood speak in Cleveland were of necessity much disappointed in his appearance unless they were blinded by their devotion to "the cause". Especially on the Public Square on Wednesday noon, in the full blaze of the noonday sun, his appearance was not prepossessing He is a very large man and evidently believes he looks statesmanlike, for he affects the gloomy black clothing of the stump speaker. He also wore a heavy black felt hat, and, though it was a warm summer day, wore a vest. His tie was green and dirty and he wore it loosely tied and hanging down in two broad flowing ends. His face was clean, but his clothes were dusty. His pictures give the impression of a very dark man, but Haywood is of light coloring, and must in childhood have been quite blonde. His face is rather hard. His physique is pleasing. He is tall and heavy, without being corpulent. There can be no doubt of his oratorical ability. In a plain, direct way he is a fluent talker. There are estimated to have been five thousand persons present at the Socialist meeting in Luna park, but at the noonday Public Square meeting 10 per cent of that number would easily have covered those present.

Haywood's argument at the Socialist meeting at Luna park on the evening of July 16 was that co-operation alone would secure the thing which he called an "industrial democracy". He said: "Confiscation sounds good and I wish it were possible to confiscate everything the capitalists hold, and do it tomorrow," but there are a number of objections, the chief of which is that the capitalists have been wise in their day and generation and have made the laws and instituted the courts to carry out those laws and also that they have the police power, the militia who scab on the regular army and the regular army to murder for $13 a week. The law and the church follow the dictation of capitalists and, therefore, confiscation is not possible at the present time.

"Competition is not a practical way out because the producers cannot parallel Niagara Falls, the vast mineral deposits and the natural forests, and to have competition successfully, we would have to have not only the artificial things which have been produced, but the natural resources of the country as well.

"Compensation has been proposed, but it is not necessary to compensate the robber for the thing he has stolen.

"Conversion has been proposed by the Christian Socialists. A Christian Socialist is one who has been drunk on religious fanaticism and is trying

to sober up on economic truth. It would be impossible to convert the capitalists to Christian Socialism, because the capitalists are undoubtedly the children of Satan and would defy all forces directed toward bringing them into the fold."

Co-operation, Haywood concluded by saying, was that all unions along one line be organized in units-in other words, the Industrial Workers of the World plan. This he said was the actual solution of the problem.

"The Lawrence struggle," said Haywood at Luna park, "was a class struggle, and class struggle is the cause of Socialism. The politicians will tell you this Fall that you are the horny-handed sons of toil, but I tell you that you are the horny-headed sons of toil. They will tell you that there is dignity in honest labor, but I tell you that at present there is no dignity in labor, because labor under the capitalists' system is a slavish occupation.

"Some people criticize me for trying to stir up class hatred. I plead guilty. I want you men and women in the audience to hate the capitalists as a class, because we want to be rid of them. But we do not want to kill them, or get rid of them by force. Our idea is to absorb them and let them take their places side by side with other workers and earn their living."

Haywood appealed to the Socialists at Luna park to stand together and save Ettor and Giovannetti just as they "saved" him (Haywood) and his comrades when he was on trial in Idaho some years ago. He thanked his hearers for what he said they had done in saving his life and giving him his liberty, and then appealed to them to "save themselves" by "organizing in one big union".

Haywood was perhaps innocent in the matter, but nevertheless, if anybody on the Public Square had killed a detective at or about noon on Wednesday, July 17, Haywood would have furnished the suggestion.

"I will tell you," he said, "what a detective is." The speaker then denounced detectives and added: "And when they die,"-here Haywood paused and said "and if there are any in the crowd, I am going to tell them where they are going when they die-when they die, they are going so low that they will have to use a ladder to climb up into h- - - .

Having thus insinuated in the minds. of his audience that there might be detectives present, Haywood talked along other lines for a time until he reached a point where he said that Etter and Giovannetti were charged with complicity in the killing of an Italian woman at Lawrence, Mass., during the strike. Then he added:

"The absurdity of that can be thus illustrated. I am the speaker today. Suppose in this audience there were a black spot in the shape of a detective. Suppose in the blackness of his soul he started something. Suppose homicide resulted. It would be as logical to arrest me and charge me with complicity in that killing as it was to arrest Ettor and Giovannetti and charge them with complicity in the killing of the Italian woman at Lawrence, who was shot by a policeman when Ettor and Giovannetti were at least two miles away.

[ocr errors]

Haywood spoke of the militia having been called to Lawrence and said:

"The militia are for the most part young workingmen, who have in some manner acquired the microbe of patriotism. Patriotism is a 'bug' which impels a young man to carry a gun and put on a uniform and go out and commit murder."

The arrest of Ettor and Giovannetti Haywood ascribed to a disposition of capitalists to put them away because they were successful organizers of labor.

"Let me tell you," said Haywood, "what an American is. An American is a man who came down the gang plank a few years ahead of the other fellow. The men who reach our shores from other lands are not foreigners to me. The capitalist is the only foreigner."

Haywood did not appear on the Public Square until about 15 minutes past the noon hour, at which time he was advertised to appear, and meanwhile the crowd was collected by means of speeches by W. Glover, who is the most conspicuous Industrial Worker of the World, who lives in Cleveland, and by a Hungarian, who was introduced by a name something like Kohanyis. The latter made a hit. with the crowd.

"Haywood," he declared in his broken English, "is a man of a high order of education. He has educated himself in the school of experience. Such an education is far better than education at school or college. The capitalist who sends you to school does not teach you your rights; he teaches you how to work, so he can get the benefit of your production. Suppose that horses could talk and capitalists got a teacher for them. Would they teach them that they are entitled to the results of their own work, and that they need not haul the load? Of course, not. They would give them a teacher to instruct them that they must not hang back or kick, but that they must do man's bidding and haul his load for him, and that even if they did not get many oats they would die some day and go to

« ForrigeFortsett »