might be at once recognized by their kindred, and not wander as they passed into the spirit world.

Office of the totem in the gens.—In the early struggle for existence the advantages accruing from a permanent kinship group, both in resisting aggression and in securing a food supply, could not fail to have been perceived; and, if the people were to become homogeneous and the practice of exogomy continue, some expedient must have been devised by which permanent groups could be maintained and kinship lines be defined. The common belief of the people, kept virile by the universal practice of the rite of the vision, furnished this expedient—a device which could be understood and accepted by all-the concrete sign of the vision, the totem of the leader, he whose abilities and prowess evinced supernatural favor, and won for his followers success and plenty. From a study of the minutiae of the customs and ceremonies within the gens, it is apparent that their underlying purpose was to impress upon the people the knowledge and the duties of kindred, and that one of the most important of these duties was the maintenance of the union of the gens. This union of kindred we find to have been guarded by the agency of the totem. The name of the gens, the personal names of its members, and the practice of tabu-obligatory upon all persons, except the hereditary chiefs, while they were officiating in the gentile rites pertaining to the totem-indicate a common allegiance to a supernatural presence believed to preside over the gens by virtue of its relation to the common ancestor. These rites did not imply ancestor worship, but were a recognition of the special power represented by the totem. We also find that the gentile totem and its rites did not interfere with a man's freedom in seeking his personal totem, nor of his use of it when desiring help from the mysterious powers. The gentile totem gave no immediate hold upon the supernatural, as did the individual totem to its possessor; outside the rites already referred to, it served solely as a mark of kinship, and its connection with the supernatural was manifest only in its punishment of the violation of tabu. Briefly stated, the inculcation of the gentile totem was that the individual belonged to a definite kinship group, from which he could never sever himself without incurring supernatural punishment.

Social growth depended upon the establishment of distinct groups, and the one power adequate for the purpose was that which was believed to be capable of enforcing the union of the people by supernaturally inflicted penalties. The constructive influence of the totem is apparent in the unification of the Ton'-won-gdhon or gens, without which the organization of the tribe would have been impossible.

The influence of the religious societies upon the gens.-In the religious societies the people were made familiar with the idea that a common vision could create a sort of brotherhood. This fraternity was recognized and expressed by the observance of rites and ceremonies-in which all the members took part-setting forth the peculiar power of

the totem. The influence of this training in the religious societies is traceable in the structure of the gens, where the sign of a vision, the totem, became the symbol of a bond between the people, augmenting the natural tie of blood relationship in an exogomous group. We find this training further operative in the establishment of rites and ceremonies in honor of the gentile totem, which bore a strong resemblance to those already familiar to the people in the societies. In the gens the hereditary chief was the priest, and this centralization of authority tended to foster the political development of the gens.

Related totems.-Certain fixed habits of thought among the Omahas growing out of their theories and beliefs concerning nature and life— upon which the totem was based-present a curious mixture of abstractions and anthropomorphism, blended with practical observations of nature. Thus, in the varied experiences of disintegration and coalescing during past generations, composite gentes came into existence through the supposed affinity of totems. Out of the ten Omaha gentes, three only observe a single tabu; the other seven were composed of subgroups, called Ton'-won-gdhon u-zhinga (u-zhinga, a small part), each of which had its own special tabu, obligatory upon its own members only, and not upon the other subgroups of the gens. While there was no common totem in a composite gens, the totems of the subgroups which formed such gens had a kind of natural relation to each other; the objects they symbolized were more or less affiliated in the natural world, as, for example, in the Mon'-dhin-ka-ga-he gens (the earth makers), where the totems of the subgroups represented the earth, the stone, and the animals that lived in holes in the ground, as the wolf.

The relation between the totems of composite gentes is not always patent; it frequently exists because of fancied resemblances, or from a subtle association growing out of conditions which have sequence in the Indian mind, although disconnected, and at variance with our own observation and reason.

The totem in the tribal organization.-The families within a gens pitched their tents in a particular order or form, which was that of a nearly complete circle, an opening being left as an entrance way into the inclosed space. This encampment was called by the untranslatable name, Hu'-dhu-ga. When the entire tribe camped together, each of the ten gentes, while still preserving its own internal order, opened its line of tents and became a segment of the greater tribal Hu'-ghu-ga, in which each gens had its fixed, unchangeable position, so that the opening of the tribal Hu'-dhu-ga was always between the same two gentes. Both these gentes were related to Thunder. That upon the right, as one entered the circle, was the In-shta'-thun-da-flashing eyeknown as the Thunder gens or people. To a subgroup of this gens belonged the right of consecrating the child to the Thunder god, in the ceremony of cutting the first lock of hair; another subgroup kept the ritual used in filling the Sacred Tribal Pipes. On the left of the

entrance camped the We'zhin-shtě-a symbolic name probably meaning the representatives of anger. The We'-zhin-shtě were Elk people, having in charge the Sacred Tent of War, in which the worship of Thunder, as well as all rites pertaining to war, of which Thunder was the god, took place.

It would lead too far afield to follow at great length the interrelations of the gentes; or the dominance of position and leadership in tribal rites and ceremonies conceded to certain gentes; or to indicate the scars left upon the Hu'-dhu ga by the breaking away of groups of kindred; or the devices used to keep intact an ancient form and order. The point to be borne in mind is, that the position of the gentes in the tribe, and the interlacing of their functions, were regulated by the ascription of different powers to their totems; and that the unification and strengthening of the tribal structure, as in the unification and strengthening of the gens, depended upon the restraining fear of supernatural punishment by the totemic powers.

In this rapid review of Omaha beliefs and customs connected with the totem, many observances have not even been mentioned, and of those indicated the details have had to be omitted in order to keep strictly within the limits of our subject, but the fundamental ideas which have been briefly considered will be found to underlie all rites and ceremonies within the tribe.

Linguistic evidence as to the totem.-We turn now to the language for further evidence as to the import of the totem.

The name of the concrete sign of the vision is Wa-hu'-bě, a sacred thing. The word is applied to sacred objects other than the totem, such as the sacred pole, the sacred tents, the sacred tribal pipes, etc.

The name of a religious society always included the name of the manifestation of the vision of its members. For instance, the Bear society was called Wa-tha'be i'-dha-e-dhe-literally rendered, the Bear with or by compassion-that is, those upon whom the Bear had compassion. I'-dha-e-dhe implies that this compassion, this pity, was aroused by a human being making a personal appeal, either by his destitute appearance or the moving character of his supplication. Usage forbade the application of this word to any emotion excited by animal life; it could only express a feeling between man and man, or between man and the manifestation of Wa-kon'-da. It did not represent an abstract idea, as of a virtue, but a feeling awakened by direct contact with need. In the prayer already cited as a part of the rite of the vision, the man makes a direct appeal to Wa-kon'-da (“Wa-konda! here needy I stand"), and reference to this act is made in the employment of the word i'dha-e-dhě in the term designating the Religious societies.

The name of a gens indicated its totem, or the characteristic of the group of totems in a composite gens. When the people of a gens were spoken of in reference to their totem, the word i'-ni-ka-shi-ki-dhe was

used immediately following that of the totem. For instance, the Thunder people the In-shta-thun-da gens-were called In-gdhan-i'-ni-ka-shi-kidhĕ-in-gdhan', thunder; i'-ni-ka-shi-ki dhě is a composite word, meaning, they make themselves a people with—that is, with thunder they make themselves or become a people. The We'-zhin-shtě gens, the Elk people, were called On-pon-i'-ni-ka-shi-ki-dhe-on-pon elk-with the Elk they make themselves a people. The word '-ui-ka-shi-ki-dhe clearly indicates the constructive character of the totem in the gens.

The set of names which belonged to each gens referred to the sign or totem of a family group. These names were called ni'-ki-e, spoken by a chief, or originated by a chief. The word ni'-ki-e points to the formative period when means were being devised to transform the family into a distinct political group; it argues a central authority, a man, a chief. The individual names which he bestowed allude solely to the power behind the chief, the manifestation of his vision represented by his totem, in the favor of which he and his kindred had made themselves a people, i'-uni-ka-shi-ki-dhě.

The Osage equivalent of the Omaha word i'-ni-ka-shi-ki-dhě is zho'iga-ra, meaning associated with. The Otoe word used for the same purpose is ki'-gra-jhě, they call themselves.

The word for tribe, u-ki'-tě, when used as a verb, means to fight, to war against outside enemies, indicating that the need of mutual help impelled the various Ton'-won-gdhon (gentes) to band together for selfpreservation; but the order of their grouping was, as we have seen, controlled by their totems.

Summary. In the word for tribe, in the formation of the gens within the tribe, and in the rite which brought the individual into what he believed to be direct communication with Wa-kon' da, we trace the workings of man's consciousness of insecurity and dependence, and see his struggles to comprehend his environment, and to bring himself into helpful relations with the supernatural. And we find in this study of the Omaha totem that while the elements, the animals, and the fruits of the earth were all related to man through a common life, this relation ran along discrete lines, and that, his appeal for help once granted, relief could only be summoned by means of the Wa-hu'-be, the sacred object, the totem, which brought along its special line the desired supernatural aid.

It is noteworthy that the totems of individuals, as far as known, and those of the gentes, represented the same class of objects or phenomena, and, as totems could be obtained in but one way--through the rite of the vision-the totem of a gens must have come into existence in that manner, and must have represented the manifestation of an ancestor's vision, that of a man whose ability and opportunity served to make him the founder of a family, of a group of kindred who dwelt together, fought together, and learned the value of united strength.

A NEW GROUP OF STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM THE SOUTH

ERN SHORES OF LAKE MICHIGAN.

By Dr. W. A. PHILLIPS,
Evanston, Ill.

INTRODUCTORY.

The first long chapter in the history of human effort and progress is written in stone, and more especially in the simple forms of implements shaped by fracture of brittle stone. Our knowledge of these earlier phases of human activity would be very meager save for the fact that the ruder peoples of to-day are found practicing similar forms of art. Observations among these peoples give us a multitude of clues as to the first steps in culture, while survivals of primitive processes in some of our modern trades have afforded no little aid. Experimental shap ing, though rarely taken up seriously, has also proved a fruitful source of information, and a fuller knowledge of the properties of the varieties of stone has led to the better appreciation of the varied phenomena of the stone-shaping arts. The body of information secured through all of these sources is further enforced by recent studies of the refuse of our native American shop sites. The careful analysis of the stone flaking art by Professor Holmes has done much to place the whole subject on a scientific footing. His work, however, has dealt more especially with the great family of implements of "leaf-blade" genesis, while those shaped more directly from flakes have received less attention, and it is with the purpose of developing more fully this branch of the subject that the present study is undertaken. Both shop refuse and the designed products of the flaking art are abundantly represented in the region about the southwest shore of Lake Michigan, though the implements are not good examples of aboriginal skill in shaping because of the absence of minerals especially suited to flaking.

Before passing to the consideration of the shaped stone products of this section the character of the ground and the manner of occurrence of the materials employed require a brief description.

The region studied. The region studied begins in northern Cook County, Ill., and continues southward into Indiana. It is a succession

W. H. Holmes, Natural History of Flaked Stone Implements, Memoirs of the Congress of Anthropology, 1893, page 122.