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him use his time. Let him give the whole length of the reins to his benevolence. He is now on a great eminence, where the eyes of mankind are turned to him. He may live long, he may do much. But here is the summit. He never can exceed what he
does this day.
He has faults; but they are faults that though they may in a small degree tarnish the lustre, and sometimes impede the march of his abilities, have nothing in them to extinguish the fire of great virIn those faults, there is no mixture of deceit, of hypocrisy, of pride, of ferocity, of complexional despotism, or want of feeling for the distresses of mankind.
A poet of antiquity thought it one of the first distinctions to a prince whom he meant to celebrate, that through a long succession of generations, he had been the progenitor of an able and virtuous citizen, who by force of the arts of peace, had corrected governments of oppression, and suppressed wars of rapine:
Indole proh quanta juvenis, quantumque daturus
This was what was said of the predecessor of the only person to whose eloquence it does not wrong that of the mover of this bill to be compared. But the Ganges and the Indus are the patrimony of the fame of my honourable friend, and not of Cicero. I confess, I anticipate with joy the reward of those, whose whole consequence, power, and authority, exist only for the benefit of mankind; and I carry my mind to all the people, and all the names and descriptions, that, relieved by this bill, will bless the
labours of this parliament, and the confidence which the best House of Commons has given to him who the best deserves it. The little cavils of party will not be heard, where freedom and happiness will be felt. There is not a tongue, a nation, or religion in India, which will not bless the presiding care and manly beneficence of this House, and of him who proposes to you this great work. Your names will never be separated before the throne of the Divine Goodness, in whatever language, or with whatever rites, pardon is asked for sin, and reward for those who imitate the Godhead in his universal bounty to his creatures. These honours you deserve, and they will surely be paid, when all the jargon of influence, and party, and patronage, are swept into oblivion.
ALLUSION TO THE VOLUNTEERS AND THE SUBSEQUENT DEGENERACY OF IRELAND.
There was a time when the vault of liberty could hardly contain the flight of your pinion.-Some of you went forth like a giant rejoicing in his strength, but now you stand like elves at the door of your own Pandemonium. The armed youth of the country, like a thousand streams, thundered from a thousand hills and filled the plain with the congregated waters, in whose mirror was seen for a moment the watery image of the British constitution. The waters subside-the torrents cease-the rill ripples within its own bed, and the boys and children of the village paddle in the brook.
ON THE NATURAL DESIRE OF MAN FOR LIBERTY.
I have heard it said the Catholics are not anxious about what we are now doing, and this is meant as an argument against our legislating in their behalf. Even allowing the truth of the assertion, which I by no means admit, to what does it go? It goes to this, that you have so broken their spirits-that you have so debased their mind-that you, by your government, have reduced them to so low and abject a state that they do not care even for liberty! For liberty, Sir-and is this subject a matter of indiffercnce? Liberty, which, like the Deity, is an essential spirit best known by its consequences-liberty, which now animates you in your battles by sea and land, and lifts you up proudly superior to your enemies-liberty, that glorious spark and emanation of the Divinity, which fired your ancestors and taught them to feel like an Hampden, that it was not life, but the condition of living!--An Irishman syma pathizes in these noble sentiments-wherever he goes to whatever quarter of the earth he journeys -whatever wind blows his poor garments, let him but have the pride, the glory, the ostentation of liberty.
CHARACTER OF LORD CHATHAM.
The secretary stood alone. Modern degeneracy had not reached him. Original and unaccommodating, the features of his character had the hardihood of antiquity. His august mind overawed majesty, and one of his sovereigns thought royalty so impaired in his presence, that he conspired to remove him, in order to be relieved from his superiority. No state chicanery, no narrow system of vicious, politics, no idle contest for ministerial victo
ries, sunk him to the vulgar level of the great: but overbearing, persuasive, and impracticable, his object was England, his ambition was fame. Without dividing, he destroyed party; without corrupting, he made a venal age unanimous. France sunk beneath him. With one hand he smote the house of Bourbon, and wielded in the other the democracy of England. The sight of his mind was infinite; and his schemes were to effect, not England, not the present age only, but Europe and posterity. Wonderful were the means by which these schemes were accomplished; always seasonable, always adequate, the suggestions of an understanding animated by ardour, and enlightened by prophecy.
The ordinary feelings which make life amiable and indolent were unknown to him. No domestic difficulties, no domestic weakness reached him; but aloof from the sordid occurrences of life, and unsullied by its intercourse, he came occasionally into our system, to counsel and to decide.
A character so exalted, so strenuous, so various, so authoritative, astonished a corrupt age, and the treasury trembled at the name of Pitt through all her classes of venality. Corruption imagined, indeed, that she had found defects in this statesman, and talked much of the inconsistency of his glory, and much of the ruin of his victories; but the history of his country and the calamities of the enemy, answered and refuted her.
Nor were his political abilities his only talents: his eloquence was an era in the senate, peculiar and spontaneous, familiarly expressing gigantic sentiments and instinctive wisdom; not like the torrent of Demosthenes, or the splendid conflagration of Tully; it resembled sometimes the thunder, and sometimes the music of the spheres. Like Murray, he did not conduct the understanding through the painful subtilty of argumentation; nor was he like. Townshend, for ever on the rack of exertion; but
rather lightened upon the subject, and reached the point by the flashings of the mind, which, like those of his eye, were felt, but could not be followed.
Upon the whole, there was in this man something that could create, subvert, or reform; an understanding, a spirit, and an eloquence, to summon mankind to society, or to break the bonds of slavery asunder, and to rule the wilderness of free minds with unbounded authority; something that could establish or overwhelm empire, and strike a blow in the world that should resound through the universe.
INVECTIVE AGAINST MR. CORRY, IN REPLY TO HIS ASPERSIONS.
My guilt or innocence have little to do with the question here.-I rose with the rising fortunes of my country-I am willing to die with her expiring liberties. To the voice of the people I will bow, but never shall I submit to the calumnies of an individual hired to betray them and slander me. The indisposition of my body has left me perhaps no means but that of lying down with fallen Ireland and recording upon her tomb my dying testimony against the flagitious corruption that has murdered her independence. The right honourable gentleman has said that this was not my place---that instead of having a voice in the councils of my country, I should now stand a culprit at her bar-at the bar of a court of criminal judicature, to answer for my treasons. The Irish people have not so read my history-but let that pass-if I am what he has said I am, the people are not therefore to forfeit their constitution. In point of argument the attack is bad-in point of taste or feeling, if he had either, it is worse in point of fact it is false, utterly and absolutely false-as rancorous a falsehood as the