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Imperial Hotel, Great Malvern.

TH

HE Public is respectfully informed that the IMPERIAL HOTEL will be opened for the RECEPTION of VISITORS on Monday, August 11.

The tariff will be so arranged that families and gentlemen may engage suites of apartments or single rooms, at a fixed charge per day, including attendance, and may either take their meals privately or at the table d'hôte, public breakfast, tea, and supper.

Lady or gentlemen boarders will be received at a charge of 27. 105. per week, including attendance.

A wholesale wine and spirit establishment for the sale of wines and beverages of the highest class will be attached to the hotel.

Warm, cold, vapour, douche, running Sitz, and shower baths, will be obtainable at all times in the hotel, a portion of which is set apart for these baths.

A covered way will conduct the visitors direct from the railway platform to the hotel.

GEORGE CURTIS, Manager.

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The site is purchased, and arrangements made to commence building at once, if the further sum of 2,500l. can be obtained.

A Friend, in consideration of the urgency of the case, has offered 500l. on condition that 500l. more be raised to meet it.

Full particulars may be obtained from the Rev. Canon Champneys, 31, Gordon Square, W. C.; Rev. John Andrews, 38, Argyle Square, W.C.; Henry Hoare, Esq., Fleet Street; and John Labouchere, Esq., Birchin Lane. Bankers, Messrs. Stevenson and Salt, 20,

Lombard Street.

UPERIOR CHEAP BOOKS at BULL'S

Essays and Reviews, Montalembert's Monks of the West, Mrs. Delany's Life, Motley's Dutch Republic, Du Chaillu's Africa, and many other superior Books, are now on sale at greatly reduced prices. Catalogues gratis.

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This day is published, price 145.

Twenty Years of Financial Policy.

BY SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE, BART., M.P.

London: SAUNDERS, OTLEY, AND CO.,

66, Brook Street, Hanover Square.

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THE MONKS OF THE WEST, FROM ST. BENEDICT TO ST. BERNARD.

BY THE COUNT DE MONTALEMBERT.

Two Volumes, Octavo, 215.

W. BLACKWOOD AND CO., Edinburgh and London.

Fcap. 8vo. in Five Parts, 352 pp. price 2s. 6d.;
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THE GREAT TRUTHS OF THE
CHRISTIAN RELIGION.

EDITED, AND WITH A PREFACE, BY W. U. R.

I. As in Adam all die, even so in CHRIST shall all be made alive. -II. What must I do to be saved?-III. It is appointed unto men once to die, but after that the Judgment.-IV. Work out your own salvation.-V. The Holy Communion.

"This is a book which we welcome with entire satisfaction: the truths are expressed with a simplicity of diction which is by no means common."-Ecclesiastic.

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London: J. MASTERS, Aldersgate Street and New Bond Street.

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"Dr. Hanna's new work, as a prose-poem on 'The Last Day of our Lord's Passion,' stands alone in the crowded ranks of our theological literature. It is a work of fine and reverent genius, and will gain him more fame than even his well-known and much-admired Life of Dr. Chalmers.'"-Witness.

"Dr. Hanna has succeeded in producing what is probably the best continuous narrative of the events of that part of our Saviour's history with which he deals that exists, at least, in the English language."—Glasgow Herald.

Edinburgh: EDMONSTON AND DOUGLAS.
London: HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO.,
and all Booksellers.

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Just published, in 2 vols. 8vo., cloth, xl. 45.

Messrs. Blackwood & Sons' THE PRINCIPLES of DIVINE SERVICE;

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or, An Inquiry concerning the True Manner of Understanding and Using the Order for Morning and Evening Prayer, and for the Administration of the Holy Communion in the English Church. By the Rev. PHILIP FREEMAN, M. A, Vicar of Thorverton, Prebendary of Exeter, and Examining Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Exeter.

The concluding Portion, on the Order for the Holy Communion, just published, besides its proper subject, enters incidentally into most of the great religious questions of the day; as Atonement, Sacrifice, the Origin of the Sabbath-day, &c.

For those who have Vol. I. the price of Vol. II. with Introduction, will be 145.; without the Introduction, 85.

BISHOP OF OXFORD.

Third Edition, crown 8vo., Hoth, 65. ADDRESSES to the CANDIDATES for ORDINATION on the Questions in the Ordination Service. By SAMUEL, LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD, Chancellor of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, and Lord High Almoner to Her Majesty the Queen.

Now ready, in fcap. 8vo., cloth, 5s.

THE SUFFERINGS of the CLERGY during the GREAT REBELLION. By the Rev. JOHN WALKER, M.A., some time of Exeter College, Oxford, and Rector of St. Mary Major, Exeter. Epitomised by the Author of "The Annals of England."

Just published in 8vo. (480 pp.), with Plates. Cloth extra, gilt top, 215.

An ATTEMPT

the

to DISCRIMINATE STYLES of ARCHITECTURE in ENGLAND, from the Conquest to the Reformation: with a Sketch of the Grecian and Roman Orders. By the late THOMAS RICKMAN, F.S. A. Sixth Edition, with considerable Additions, chiefly Historical, by JOHN HENRY PARKER, F.S. A., and numerous Illustrations by O. JEWITT.

Lately published, crown 8vo., limp cloth, 75. 6d.

A FEW NOTES from PAST LIFE: 18181832. Edited, from Correspondence, by the Rev. FRANCIS TRENCH, M.A., Rector of Islip, Oxon.

"Mr. Trench has, we think, judged wisely in giving to the public what he tells us was first printed only for a few friends to read. There is no revelation of anything which delicacy would wish to veil, and he has been able, by publishing these letters, to give public schoolmen and Oxford men a picture of the past which they will glance at with pleasure." Saturday Reviews.

Oxford, and 377, Strand, London: J. H. and J. PARKER.

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Bicentenary Volume.

THE COMMITTEE have just published a volume

CENTRAL UNITED BARTHO

which contains all the public documents of importance, from "The Declaration of Breda" to "The Act of Toleration," that relate to the Settlement of the Church of England by the Act of Uniformity in 1662. The documents are collected from the most authentic sources; and being published without note or comment of any kind, they are left to tell their own unbiassed tale. This volume, 516 pp. demy 8vo., printed in a clear handsome type, may be had bound in embossed gilt-lettered cloth, price 45s. 6d., or stitched in paper covers, price 45.

London: W. KENT AND CO., 23, Paternoster Row; and at the Office of the Committee, 10, Broad Street Buildings, E. C.

Just published, 1s. 6d. ; by post, 15. 7d.

REMARKS on a Recent DEBATE in CON

VOCATION, in reference to the Scottish Liturgy. By the Rev. HENRY HUMBLE, M.A., Canon and Precentor of St. Minian's Cathedral, Perth.

London: J. HAYES, Lyall Place, Eaton Square.
Aberdeen: BROWN AND CO.

Now ready, Second Edition, 2s. 6d., by post, 25. 7d.

RESTORATION; or the Completion of the

Reformation. By the Rev. ARCHER GURNEY, Chaplain to

the English Church, Rue de Madeleine, Paris.

Contents:-I. The Real Presence. II. The Eucharistic Sacrifice. III. Prayers for the Departed.

Price 6s. 6d., by post, 75.
EDEMPTION: Some of the Aspects of the

Rev. R. M. BENSON, Cowley, Oxon.

London: J. T. HAYES, Lyall Place, Eaton Square;
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REMINISCENCES of the LIFE and CHARACTER of COUNT CAVOUR.
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LECTURES on the SCIENCE of LANGUAGE, Delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, in April, May, and June, 1861. By MAX MULLER, M.A., Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford; Corresponding Member of the Imperial Institute of France. Third Edition, revised.

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Printed by WHITTINGHAM AND WILKINS, at their Office, No. 21, Tooks Court, Chancery Lane, in the Parish of St. Andrew, Holborn, in the county of Middlesex, and published by Hugh Saunders, of Hugh Street, South Belgravia, in the Parish of St. George, Hanover Square, in the said county, at the Office, No. 66, Brook Street, Hanover Square, in the said parish, and the said county, August, 1862.:

PRO ECCLESIA DEI.

Church and State

No. 4, Vol. 1.

Political Parties.

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Mr. Pitt's day, the treasonable communications with a foreign enemy, the Cato Street conspiracies, have given way to the milder and more doctrinaire theories of Chartism; and now, in the pitiful decadence of the Ballot and Reform, it is hard to discover the real heirs or trustees of the Chartists of 1848. In the same manner African Slavery has been rescued from something very like indifference by the circumstances of the American war, and has become a theme of actual and not only of traditional interest. The fire of enthusiasm and poetry which lit up the cause of Greek Independence has vanished before the meanness, selfishness, and misgovernment of the Greeks. The romance of South American freedom has been quenched in civil bloodshed and tyranny; and Spain, for whom we so prodigally lavished men and means, grudges us the repayment of a paltry 500,000l.

In the drunkenness of midnight we worshipped each creation of our heated fancy, and now in the dawn we can only see around us the broken idols of the cave.

BSTRACT theories are not perhaps very congenial to the changeful and practical course of English politics; but there are times when it is useful to gather up the several parts of our many-sided system into a more or less connected review of the parties, the individuals, and the policies which fill the public eye. The present is particularly such a time, not only because with the close of the Session the immediate work of Parliament is over and its members are scattered far and wide over Swiss glaciers and Scotch moors, but for a far more important reason. English parties are on the verge, if they are not already in the midst, of a great transition of which it is almost as difficult to define or appreciate the nature as it is to predict the issue. Whether our present changes tend ultimately towards fusion or subdivision may be matter of dispute; but some things are clear;-one, that the subsidence of many But the past is gone, irretrievably, it may be inferior grounds of party contention has brought unsatisfactorily, gone, and now, as with men betwixt out into its legitimate prominence the question of sleep and waking, dimly conscious of some coming the National Church, of which it is not only safe change, the constant cry is-What of the future? to predict that, without an entire revolution in our But each watcher in turn as he mounts the wall can religious and social state, it can never cease to be only tell of the night in doubtful words. As of the primary question of all English policy, but of old, he hardly knows whether the uncertain forms which it is historically true that it has survived which he sees are the shadows of the mountainsboth rebellion and revolution only to vindicate the mountains of eternal principles, which, whether more powerfully its title to pre-eminence among all in light or darkness, will stand for ever; or the the highest considerations which are the subject- outline of marching hosts-hosts of new causes and matter of English statesmanship;-another, that combinations which may destroy or regenerate many of the old subordinate watchwords of party war- society. Along that dark horizon some bright bfare, though cherished by the inherent conservatism stars have risen; in the renewed energy and strength of Englishmen, have almost passed away with the of the Church of England, and her corresponding objects and feelings which called them into active hold upon the affections of the people: in the priexistence. Thus it is that questions which fifty years vate and public character of the Queen of England, since stirred men deeply have lost their influence and in the deep and affectionate respect which she with the present generation. A wreck of disap- has gathered round the Throne: in the ties which pointment and shattered hopes gathers round-whether they find their strength in sympathy, or questions, domestic and foreign, which had for our fathers so strong an attraction.

Roman Catholic Emancipation, Municipal Franchises, the Test and Corporation Act, nay, the greater and comparatively recent controversies between Protection and Freetrade, all have quitted the world of actual life and have passed into the domain of passionless immaterial phantoms. The fields of political strife are silent. The seditions of

in absence of enmity-bind into one, more and more closely, the many classes and interests of this country.

Abroad we have the discreditable spectacle at one moment of democracy suffering and in abeyance; at another of Constitutional conservatism with victory thrust upon it and yet incapable of using the golden opportunities. Lamentably are those opportunities misunderstood,neglected, abused; and Conservative and Democratic principles are

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rushing downwards together into a hideous chaos of common ruin. France, under the successive traditions of two military empires, has become the terror of Europe, and in the debasement of every social, moral, and literary element is fast becoming the agent of her own retribution; Austria is living, but living on borrowed money; Russia is undermined with ignorant sedition, and overweighted with the burden of precipitate reforms; Italy, with already more than her incapable ministers and her exhausted exchequer, her crafty conspirators and her headstrong patriots, can sustain, grasps at still greater dominion, and rocks with every gale that blows through the cracks of her ill-cemented kingdom; whilst in America the civilized world is threatened with a catastrophe more ghastly than any which it has witnessed since the French Revo

lution.

However insulated England has been by geographical and political circumstances, the storms of foreign disturbance have never failed to throw some waves upon her shores, and it would be as absurd to deny the influence upon us of passing events as it is unwise to give them the prominence of a morbid exaggeration. We have, indeed, before now stood alone. But we cannot be wholly insensible to the dangers of a position where on every side the framework of society is loosened, and when, out of England, we can nowhere discern the principle upon which to reconstruct the scattered timbers as they drift to and fro on the raging waters.

At such a time we turn with anxiety to those Englishmen who from position, ability, or other cause hold the helm at home. In the first rank are to be seen men who with more or less skill and with more or less success have for many years filled a large space in public attention, but who are rapidly approaching the term when political labour-although the last which men willingly resign-is no longer possible. Nothing, indeed, is more remarkable in the England of the present day than the great age of her Generals, her Judges, her Statesmen, her Prime Ministers: nothing more serious for the future than the wide gulph of unimprovable mediocrity which lies between the oldest and the youngest classes of public men. Of the second rank nothing can be known with accuracy. One thing only we do know, that their accession to political trust and influence will be comparatively sudden, and that whilst more will be required of them less allowance will be made for them than has ever been the case with any of their predecessors.

It is difficult to draw with precision or fairness the lines which separate the various parties in Parliament. There are many subdivisions, some crossdivisions, and frequently a tendency towards the amalgamation or confusion of one section with another. On the Government side, however, of the House of Commons, a rough but threefold classification may be adopted.

1. The Government with their immediate adherents. In the original constitution of this, the most important section, it was intended that the strength of the coalition should be furnished by the Whigs, the ability by the remnants of the Peelites, and the popular credit by the extreme Liberals, who were for the first time taken into partnership. But cir

cumstances have modified this arrangement. The Ultra-Liberals have gained in Mr. Gladstone an eloquent ally, but they have neither brought to nor received from their new friends any large amount of public credit: the Peelites by casualties and by political absorption have almost disappeared in name as they have in Parliamentary individuality: whilst the Whigs now, as hitherto, enjoy the monopoly of office. True to the State so long as the State can supply them with public place and honour, hostile to the Church even when dispensing her dignities, oligarchs when in, and democrats when out of office, they adhere with singular consistency to the traditions and practice of nearly two centuries.

2. The Liberals. Liberalism has sometimes been defined by its etymology-id quod liberat-and few will dispute the justice of the definition when the ties of political principle hang so loosely on modern Liberals. Professing, indeed, an armed neutrality, they generally lend an effective support to that side of the House on which they sit; and, according to the recent confession of one of their ablest leaders, they have sometimes rejected the substance of political improvement from a Conservative Government in order to grasp the shadow of a shade which Whig policy has traced after its own peculiar rules of art.

This class, however, is susceptible of a further subdivision.

First, there are those who, representatives in name, are delegates in fact, and who, under the loose morality of modern politics, think themselves constrained to accept from their electors the hypocritical shibboleth of an unmeaning Liberalism. Shrinking from an abolition of Church-rates, loathing Reform, laughing at the Ballot, they are yet content to record their votes for each measure, and to leave the responsibility and risk of their rejection to others who are less selfish or timid. Secondly, there remain the fragments of the old Radical school, the Anti-Corn-Law League, and the secret partisans of republican institutions. War, foreign policy, the crash of the American democracy, and the suicidal folly of their leader, Mr. Bright, have for the present shivered an ascendancy which some success and considerable rhetorical power had given them. Lastly, there is a small knot of men who claim to be the heirs and depositaries of the philosophical radicalism which some years since found an exponent in the late Sir W. Molesworth. But economists in name, they have produced no effect upon the finance or the legislation of the country, and they are wholly devoid of that vigour and reality of purpose which has sometimes made demagoguism formidable in this country.

3. A small connection yet remains, which, from the weight and ability rather than the number of its members, should be noted. These are the men who, bred up in the lessons of Liberalism, have been gradually conservatised by the incautious preaching of republicanism, the clear tendency of passing events, and their own alarm for the security of property. Denounced by the politicians from whom they have withdrawn, and suspected by those to whom they will not give an unconditional allegiance,. they are yet men whose co-operation one day may widen the base of political operations, and whose

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