watches its springing and maturity, reaps his harvest, and enjoys its fruits in quiet and contentment, asking no protection or legislation. But his interests should not be neglected because he makes no clamor in the halls of legislation. I presume it would not be doubted, that the general application of science to agriculture throughout the State, would double our agricultural products, with but a slight increase of labor. Such an addition to the productions, resources and wealth of the State, is an object worthy the highest solicitude, and should command your earnest consideration. But with our present means of education, little advance can be made towards its accomplishment. There is not in the State, and probably not in New-England, an institution where a practical, scientific agricultural education can be obtained. Threefourths of our population are farmers; three-fourths of the rising generation will be farmers,—and yet there is no opportunity for one, of all this number, to obtain an education adapted to, and in aid of, his vocation. True, we have our high-schools, academies and colleges-many of them liberally endowed by the State-but they all fail to give him an appropriate education; for, instead of fitting him for his destined pursuit, and rendering it pleasing to him, his course of studies and the associations and influences around him, all tend to give him a distaste for it, and to invite to other professions and callings, where he will be far less useful to himself and the community. If, then, the object of education is to fit man for the duties of life, a large majority of our population have no opportunity for obtaining it.

In my annual message to the legislature of 1847, I

suggested the establishment of an agricultural and teachers' seminary, under the direction of the board of education, and proposed that, when its finances would permit, the State should support, at that seminary, a small given number of scholars from each county, to be selected by their respective boards of school committees, as a reward of merit and proficiency. The chief design of this feature of my suggestion, was to give a stimulus to the interest, of both parents and children, in our public schools; but it would probably be attended with too much expense for the present condition of the treasury. An agricultural school, divested of this more expensive feature, as a model, and as a commencement of a system of agricultural schools, is an immediate want, and within our immediate means. The interest of the permanent school fund, which is still unappropriated, is more than sufficient for that purpose; and if, as I have already suggested, the proceeds of the reserved lands should be added to this fund, the interest of both combined, would, beside sustaining such a school, furnish the means for increased facilities for the education of teachers, either by the establishment of normal schools, or by prolonging the sessions of our institutes.

The policy of exempting a portion of the property of the debtor from attachment, for the double purpose of enabling him to supply the necessitics of himself and family, and of furnishing him with facilities wherewith he may ultimately relieve himself from his debts, has ever been recognized by our laws, and is both humane and wise. But I am convinced that the exemption of a fixed amount of property, of such description as the debtor

might select, whether personal or real, instead of the list of specific articles now exempted, would be advantageous both to debtor and creditor; because each individual debtor could then retain the property best adapted to his circumstances, and calculated to afford the most aid in accomplishing the objects for which the exemption was made. Under the present law, it may often occur, that the property retained, although the amount may be large, is of little benefit to the debtor retaining it; whereas, if a much less value were secured to him, in precisely the property which his situation required, the ends of protec tion would be more nearly attained. But another important objection to our exemption of specific articles, is that no real estate is included. If the present exemption of personal property does not conflict with the rights of the creditor, the exemption of the same value, in either personal or real estate, surely could not; while, at the same time, it would be far more useful to the debtor. He is now allowed the products of a farm, tools, horses and oxen to cultivate it, but no farm; thus encouraged to obtain the implements of husbandry, but forced to use them upon the farm of another-induced to assume the relation of a tenant, while the true interests, alike of the debtor, creditor and the State, would invite him to become a freeholder.

All who have participated in preparing a State valuation, are aware of the difficulties attending the subject, resulting from the want of accurate data, on which to base their conclusions. The chief source of information, on which reliance has been had, is the valuation returns of the several cities, towns and plantations; but such is

the diversity of rules, which have controlled in arriving at these valuations, that they furnish but little aid, in accomplishing the great object of equalizing the burdens of the State. It is undoubtedly true, that, in some towns, property is appraised, for the purpose of taxation, at its full value; while, at the same time, in other towns, it is appraised at less than half its value-a fact, which shows conclusively, that these returns are only calculated to misguide. As the time is approaching when a new State valuation will be necessary, it is well worthy your consideration, whether a more just and satisfactory mode of preparing it, may not be devised.

In my annual message to the legislature of 1848, I suggested legislation for the classification of convicts in the state prison, in such manner as would remove the young offender from association with the hardened criminal. Impressed with its important bearing upon the public morals, and the public safety, I ask your consideration of the subject.

In the same communication, I alluded to the general impression upon the public mind, that capital punishment was practically abolished, by making the duty of ordering an execution a mere discretionary one; and to the impropriety of enforcing the death penalty, while such an impression existed. The just inference from the inaction of the legislature upon these suggestions, is, that it did not desire its enforcement. But I have been un ble to discover the grounds upon which such a construction of the law rests, and am forced to the conclusion, that the duty of ordering an execution is imperative upon the ex

ecutive, unless the power of commutation of punishment is interposed. When the year had nearly expired, which must necessarily have intervened between the sentence and execution of Valorus P. Coolidge, I communicated to the council my construction of the law, proposing at the same time, for reasons set forth in that communication, the commutation of his punishment. The council adopted a report, sustaining that construction, and recommending commutation. I herewith transmit the communication and report, for the purpose of distinctly presenting the action of the executive department to the legislature, that your silence may sanction the view taken of the imperative character of the law, or your disapproval reverse it, and thus remove all doubt upon the subject.

The recent amendment of the constitution, providing for the meeting of the Legislature at the present time, was induced by the belief that it would diminish the expenses of the government, by shortening the sessions; but the result has proved this hope entirely unfounded. The change has imposed a heavy and unnecessary burthen upon the members of the legislature, and all who have legislative business to transact, by requiring their attendance, at a time when the private engagements of all classes are most pressing; and it has failed to secure any corresponding public benefit. When a wrong step has been taken, wisdom dictates that it be retraced.

By the law of the last legislature, for the reorganization of the militia, the salary of the adjutant general was reduced from $700 to $200, at the time when new and onerous duties were imposed. This reduction resulted,