Federalist on the New Constitution Written in 1788

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B. Warner, 1817 - 477 sider
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The same view continued
226
The same view continued
233
The same view continued and concluded
241
A further discussion of the supposed danger from the powers of the union to the state governments
248
The subject of the last paper resumed with an exam ination of the comparative means of influence of the federal and state governments
254
The meaning of the maxim which requires a separ ation of the departments of power examined and ascertained
260
The same subject continued with a view to the means of giving efficacy in practice to that maxim
267
The same subject continued with the same view 272
272
The same subject continued with the same view
276
The same subject continued with the same view and concluded
279
Concerning the House of Representatives with a view to the qualifications of the electors and elected and the time of service of the members
284
The same subject continued with a view of the term of service of the members
289
NUMBER PAGE
294
Concerning the constitution of the senate with
333
A further view of the constitution of the senate
339
impeachments
352
attempt to misrepresent this part of the plan
363
The same view continued with a comparison between
371
The same view continued in relation to the unity
378
The same view continued in regard to the duration
386
The same view continued in regard to the reeligi
390
The same view continued in relation to the command
401
A view of the constitution of the judicial department
418
Concerning several miscellaneous objections
461

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Side 50 - By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community...
Side 271 - If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.
Side 253 - When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty; because apprehensions may arise, lest the same monarch or senate should enact tyrannical laws, to execute them in a tyrannical manner.
Side 388 - The Executive not only dispenses the honors, but holds the sword of the community. The legislature not only commands the purse, but prescribes the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be regulated. The judiciary, on the contrary, has no influence over either the sword or the purse; no direction either of the strength or of the wealth of the society; and can take no active resolution whatever. It may truly be said to have neither FORCE nor WILL, but merely judgment; and must...
Side 51 - So strong is this propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities, that where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle their unfriendly passions and excite their most violent conflicts. But the most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property.
Side 50 - The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. The protection of these faculties is the first object of government.
Side 389 - Limitations of this kind can be preserved in practice no other way than through the medium of the courts of justice ; whose duty it must be to declare all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of the constitution void. Without this, all the reservations of particular rights or privileges would amount to nothing.
Side 51 - No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause, because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity. With equal, nay, with greater reason, a body of men are unfit to be both judges and parties at the same time; yet what are many of the most important acts of legislation but so many judicial determinations, not indeed concerning the rights of single persons, but concerning the rights of large bodies of citizens ? And what are the different classes of...
Side 12 - Providence has been pleased to give this one connected country to one united people— a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in their manners and customs...
Side 236 - No state shall, without the consent of congress, lay any duty on tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace ; enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.

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