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them, their contention being of necessity for a particular reform asserted by them to come within the scope of the Constitution. And so it has been. The Democratic-Republican party has been the strict construction party, and it has had the Federal, the Whig, and the Republican parties successively opposed to it, as advocates of the establishment of a United States bank, of excise laws, of a navy, in the first case; of a protective tariff and of internal improvements in the second; and of the power of the Federal Government to control slavery outside of the States, and subsequently of emancipation and of reconstruction, in the third. But the Democratic-Republican party does not now favor strict construction in the same way as in 1790. Changes made by the opposition have proved beneficial and have been permanent, and the strict construction view of each period has acknowledged accomplished facts of the past. Moreover, even the Democratic-Republican party, when in power, favors broader construction than when in opposition, and the broad-constructionists are apt to insist on rather strict construction when their opponents are in power. The Civil War and the reconstruction period following it, led to the passage of many Acts by Congress based on principles of the loosest construction, and while many of these, as the Ku-Klux Acts (except the conspiracy section), have been declared constitutional by the Supreme Court, others, as the Civil Rights Bill, have been declared unconstitutional. In several recent cases the Supreme Court has shown a tendency to decide cases by a rather strict construction of the Constitution. (See Civil Rights Bill.)
Consul. (See Foreign Service.)
Contested Elections.—The history of Disputed Presidential or Vice-Presidential Elections is given under that head. The courts of every State decide as to the validity of the votes cast, and the two Houses of Congress see that this vote is authenticated in accordance with the laws. Each House of Congress is the sole judge as to its own members, and any contest as to a seat in either House is decided by that House. The testimony is taken by the appropriate committee, and after its report the House decides. Contestant and contestee are each allowed a sum, not to exceed $2,000, for expenses actually incurred in the contest and properly vouched for, and special appropriations for compensation to contestants are frequently made.
Contraband of War.—Articles carried by neutrala in vessels or otherwise, which are for the assistance of an enemy in carrying on war, are said to be contraband of war. The term embraces arms, ammunition, materials for manufacturing gunpowder, armed vessels, provisions intended for the military forces, and the like. According to international law, these are liable to seizure and to confiscation by order of a prize court. No recompense is made to the neutral except in the case of provisions. During the Civil War the phrase "contraband of war" was applied to negro slaves who came within the Union lines. This use of it originated with General Benjamin F. Butler, who, being in command of the Department of Eastern Virginia in 1861, refused to return fugitive slaves, declaring that they were contraband of war. His position was disaffirmed by the Government.
Contracts, Impairing the Obligation of.—Article 1, section 10, clause 1 of the Constitution of the United States provides that "no State shall . . . pass any . . . law impairing the obligation of contracts." It will be noticed that this restriction applies only to the States, and that Congress is under no restraint in this respect. The decision in the Dartmouth College case (which see) is the most important in the interpretation of this clause of the Constitution.
Convention of 1787.— The government of this country under the Articles of Confederation had been a failure, and the remedy suggested by many was by means of a convention of the States. This was proposed in 1781 in a pamphlet by Pelatiah Webster, and within the next few years the Legislatures of New York and of Massachusetts adopted resolutions of similar tenor. In 1786 a resolution of the Virginia Legislature, growing out of a desire to regulate commerce on Chesa. peake Bay and the connected waters, was passed, appointing commissioners to meet representatives of the other States for the purpose of considering the commercial condition of the United States. This commission, to which only five States sent delegates, reported the fault to he with the Articles of Confederation, and recommended a convention of all the States to amend them, without which step they despaired of any improvement in the condition of trade. Their report was approved hy Congress, and on May 25, 1787, the representatives of seven States met and elected as their president George 'Washington, the delegate of Virginia. All the States except Shode Island were ultimately represented in the convention. The first plan proposed was that of Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, known as the Virginia Plan. It consisted of fifteen resolutions and provided for two Houses, one elected by the people, the other elected by the first House from nominations made by the State Legislatures. Congress was to have a veto power on State laws and power to coerce delinquent States; it was also to choose the executive. These are the salient features in which the plan differed from the Constitution as ultimately adopted. Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, introduced a plan, the original of which has been lost and the only record of which, a copy furnished by Pinckney over thirty years later, is not believed to be entirely accurate. In its general features it resembled the Virginia Plan, but it differed from the latter in being more nearly like the
f>resent Constitution. It was known as the South Caroina Plan. On June 13th the committee of the whole reported a modification of the Virginia Plan in nineteen resolutions, the most striking change being that the power to coerce a State was not granted to Congress. June 14th the convention adjourned in order to enable William Paterson, of New Jersey, to introduce what is known as the Jersey Plan, the main features of which were as follows: Congress was to continue as a single House, but with additional powers; it was to elect the executive; acts of Congress and treaties were to be paramount to State laws, and the executive was to nave power to coerce refractory individuals and States. Hamilton suggested a plan whereby, among other provisions, the Senate and President were to hold office for life, but his plan had no supporters. On July 24th the various resolutions and plans were referred to a committee of detail, from which, on August 6th, a draft of a constitution in twenty-three articles was reported. After debate of more than a month, during which the clause permitting the slave trade for twenty years, the fugitive slave clause and the electoral system clause were inserted, the draft was referred to a committee consisting of Gouverneur Morris, Johnson, Hamilton, Madison and King. This committee, most of whose work was done by Morris, on September 13th reported the Constitution in substantially its present form. Some trifling changes were made by the convention, which then adopted the instrument, and after deciding against a new convention to consider amendments suggested by the States, the convention adjourned September 17th. The Constitution, accompanied by a request that it be submitted to the States for ratification, was sent to Congress, by whom copies were sent to the State Legislatures. The Constitution, as finally adopted, was signed by but thirtynine out of the fifty-five delegates. The proceedings of the convention were secret. Its papers were placed in Washington's custody, subject to the disposal of the new Congress, and in 1796 they were deposited with the State Department.
Convention of London. (See Fishery Treaties.)
Conventions. (See Nominating Conventions.)
Coodies, The, were a faction of the New York Federalists that favored the War of 1812. The Federalists generally opposed it. The Coodies opposed De Witt Clinton, who, though a Democrat, was on good terms politically with the Federalists. Their name arose from the assumed name, Abimalech Coody, adopted by their leader, Gulian C. Verplanck, in his communications to the newspapers.
Cooly.—As generally used jn. this country, the word. cooly is applied to Chinese laborers of the lower classes who come to this country. It has obtained this broad meaning during the discussion of the Chinese question: strictly, it includes only such laborers as have been imported under contract or by force or fraud.
Co-operation.—In 1861 some of the members of the South Carolina Legislature attempted to check the impetuosity of those in favor of immediate secession, by proposing that the Governor be empowered to assemble a secession convention "as soon as any one of the other Southern States shall, in his judgment, give satisfactory assurance or evidence of her determination to withdraw from the Union." This course was called co-operation. It was voted down.
Copperhead.—A name applied during the Civil War to Northern sympathizers with the South. It is also the name of a snake that "prefers dark and moist places," and is said "to sting from behind." The allusion is obvious.
Corea, Difficulty with.—In 1871 Admiral Rodgers, with several United States vessels, was surveying one of the rivers of Corea, when, without warning, the vessels were fired on from the Corean forts. Though little damage had been inflicted, some retaliation was necessary to support the dignity of our flag, and on June 11th several of the fortifications were captured and destroyed by the Americans with a loss of three killed and seven wounded. The Corean government refused to be communicated with as to the prisoners we had taken, so they were released and the squadron sailed away.
Corn-Crackers.—A name given to the inhabitants of Kentucky.
Corner-Stone Speech.—By this name is known the speech made by Alexander H. Stephens, at Savannah, immediately after his election to the vice-presidency of the Confederate States. He spoke of the United States government as founded on the "fundamentally wrong assumption of the equality of races,"