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enforced by legislation. A similar amendment was passed in Iowa in 1882, and had a large popular majority, but the next year it was pronounced unconstitutional for informalities in its passage. In 1884 a prohibitory law was passed. In North Carolina in 1881, a prohibitory law, submitted to popular vote, was defeated (166,000 to 48,000 in round numbers). After several previous trials of prohibition, Rhode Island in 1887, passed a stringent prohibitory law. In 1887, on the question of prohibitory amendments to the State Constitutions, the Prohibitionists were defeated by large majorities in Oregon, Tennessee and Texas. Most of the States have passed laws prohibiting the sale of liquor to minors and on Sundays. Many States have adopted local option, and a few are trying high license. (See those titles.) Such is a brief outline of the more important successes and defeats of prohibition in the States. National conventions of the Prohibition party (previous to 1884, called the Prohibition Home Protection party) have been held from time to time and candidates have been nominated for the presidency and vice-presidency of the United States, and have received votes as follows:
1888........3 Rev. John A. Brooks, on
POPULAR VOTE. 1872.......
James Black, of Pennsylvania,
Green Clay Smith, of Kentucky, } ........ 9.759
Gideon T. Stewart, of Ohio,
I Neal Dow, of Maine,
John P. St. John, of Kansas,
7 William Daniel, of Maryland, f ......151,070 1888 J Clinton B. Fisk
Rev. John A. Brooks, of Missouri. f .... 244,034 The aggregate Prohibition vote in the various State elections of 1886 was 294,863. In the national election of 1884, a considerable number of votes was drawn from each of the principal political parties, but chiefly from the Republicans, and the defeat of the Republicans in that campaign has been charged by some to the Prohibitionists. At the last national convention of the Prohibition party, held at Pittsburg, in July, 1884, a considerable number of the delegates were women. For the
platform adopted by that convention (See Party Plato forms).
Pro-Slavery.—Those that sympathized with the in. stitution of slavery in this country were said to hold proslavery views.
Protection, in relation to the industries of a country (in which sense the word is generally used), means the prevention of ruinous foreign competition. This may be accomplished (1) by absolutely prohibiting the importation of certain articles; (2) by levying a duty on them that is practically prohibitive; (3) by granting premiums on certain exports; (4) by granting drawbacks, which are rebates of the whole, or nearly the whole, duty that has been paid on imported materials when these have been manufactured at home and exported; or (5) by so arranging the rates of duty on importations as to make their cost to the consumer equal to or greater than the cost of similar domestic products. The first three methods are not relied on in this country for purposes of protection, while the last two have been and are still extensively used. The last method is the more prominent, and around it the arguments for and against protection group themselves. The reasoning of the protectionists is long and complicated. A few of their more important propositions may be briefly stated as follows: The United States as a nation is bound to secure advantages for its own citizens before regarding other countries; protective duties compel foreigners to pay part of our taxes; without protection we should become chiefly an agricultural country, and such countries are comparatively poor and weak; diversified industries are called into being or strengthened by a protective tariff, and these are valuable to a nation in time of peace and necessary in time of war; the destruction of protection would mean that the labor of this country would have to compete with the cheaper labor (usually called “pauper labor”) abroad; wages would fall and the American laborer would be reduced to the low level of life common to laborers abroad; the investment of capital at home is encouraged by protection, and on this the working classes depend; even if protection were a questionable policy to inaugurate, now that it is established in this country it should be continued for the sake of justice to invested capital and to prevent the financial disasters that would result from a revolution in our industries. To the arguments of the free-traders they reply that governments have very generally found it necessary or advisable to regulate to some extent the trade of their citizens or subjects; that protection benefits the whole nation, not merely a part, by keeping up the price of labor; that no free trade argument can be drawn from inter-State commerce, since the localizing of industries can do no harm when all the localities are parts of a single whole; that competition between home industries will keep prices down to a fair point. Since the Civil War the Republican party has been practically a unit in supporting a protective tariff. Before that period members of both parties were found on each side of the line. The tariff has never been the main issue in a presidential election, though in 1880 and 1884 the Republicans strove to increase its importance. (See Free Trade.)
Put None But Americans on Guard To-Night. -One of the mottoes of the “Know Nothings.” This sentence is supposed to have been the countersign on the eve of an important Revolutionary battle, and is attributed by some to Putnam and by others to Washington.
Qualifications of Voters.-The President of the United States is chosen by electors appointed in each State “ in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct.” (Constitution Article 2, section 1.) Senators are chosen by the Legislatures of the State. (Constitution Article 1, section 3.) Representatives are chosen by the people " and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.” (Constitution Article 1, section 2.) It thus appears that the qualifications of voters for all the federal as well as for State offices are subject to the control of the respective States and, as might be expected, vary. The suffrage in general elections is in every State limited to males of a minimum age of twenty-one years. Periods of residence in the State varying from three months to two years, are requisites to voting, and in nearly all the States shorter periods of residence in the county, town and precinct respectively. Moreover, in eighteen States only citizens by nativity or otherwise are allowed to vote; in fifteen, citizens and aliens that have declared their intention of becoming citizens: the restrictions on the latter vary; in some States mere declaration is sufficient, in others a declaration, made a certain length of time (in no case more than a year) previous, is necessary. In addition to citizenship, one State (Connecticut), requires good moral character and ability to read any article of the Constitution or Statutes; another (Delaware), the paying of the county tax after the age of twenty-two; another (New York), citizenship for ten days previous; another (Pennsylvania), citizenship of the United States for one month and, if twenty-two years of age or over, payment of a tax within two years; another (Rhode Island), on the part of foreign-born citizens, ownership of real estate to the value of $137, or seven dollars annual rental. In none of the States are women allowed to vote at general elections; in the Territories of Wyoming and Utah they are so allowed. In every State certain classes are prohibited from voting; among these are included in the various States, idiots, lunatics, persons convicted of crime punishable by imprisonment, Chinese, paupers, persons sending, bringing or accepting a duelling challenge, non-payers of taxes for certain periods, United States soldiers and marines, persons under guardianship, Indians, persons convicted of blasphemy, persons betting on the election at which they attempt to vote, deserters from the army or navy during the Civil War: in many cases those convicted of crime may have the right of suffrage restored by pardon.
Quids.-A name given to the few supporters of Randolph when he seceded from the Republican party in 1805. The Latin phrase tertium quid, a “third something" (as distinguished from the two powerful parties), gave rise to the name.
Race, Color or Previous Condition of Servis
tude. These words occur in the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution. (See Constitution of the United States.)
Radical Democracy.-In 1864, the Union men opposed to Lincoln's renomination issued a call for a convention which met accordingly May 31st. The circular had attacked the administration vigorously. Their platform called for the suppression of the Rebellion, the preservation of the habeas corpus, of the right of asylum and the Monroe Doctrine. It recommended a popular vote and only a single term for presidents, an amendment to the Constitution prohibiting slavery, and called for the confiscation of the land of rebels and its distribution among actual settlers. The name Radical Democracy was adopted; they were also known as Radical men. General John C. Fremont was nominated: he accepted the nomination, but withdrew in Lincoln's favor September 21st.
Radical Men. (See Radical Democracy.)
Rag Baby.-A derisive name for the Greenback idea. (See Greenback Labor Party ; Rag Currency.)
Rag Currency.-A term of derision applied to the currency advocated by the Greenbackers, namely, paper money. (See Greenback Labor Party.)
Raiders.—Members of a legislative body are said to be raiders on the Treasury when they expend their best efforts in attempts to secure appropriations for purposes which are not necessary for the country, but which they desire because of the patronage connected therewith or of other special advantages to their particular locality.
Railroading.–When a bill is passed without delay in a legislative assembly by the energetic efforts of corrupt members it is said to have been “ railroaded” through the House.
Rail Splitter.-A sobriquet of Abraham Lincoln, who split the rails for fences when, in his early life, his family made a clearing in Illinois and built a log-house.
Randall, Samuel J., was born in Philadelphia, October 10, 1828. He served in the local government of Philadelphia and also in the State Senate. In 1862 he