the proprætor, and now under the emperor Severus it has been clearly proved to be an island. To this island, then, Cæsar, at the time when the other Gauls were tranquil, and he had subjugated the Morini, vehemently desired to pass over. And he completed the passage with his infantry just as he wished, though he landed not at the spot he should have done; for the Britons, having already heard of his approach, had possessed themselves of all the landing-places facing the continent. Sailing, therefore, round a certain promontory, he reached its farther side; and then, having defeated those who attacked him while disembarking on the shallows, he effected his landing before further succours could arrive; and afterwards repulsed the enemy when assailing him. Few, however, of the barbarians fell; for, being mounted on chariots and on horses, they easily escaped from the Romans, whose cavalry had not yet joined them; nevertheless, greatly alarmed at what they had heard from the continent concerning them, and at their boldness in crossing the sea at all, and their success in effecting a landing in their country, they send to Cæsar certain of the Morini, who were in amity with them, suing for peace, and on his demanding hostages they consented at the time to give them. But the Romans meanwhile having suffered severely through a storm which had shattered their ships already arrived, as well as those which were on their passage, the Britons changed their purpose; and although they did not openly attack them, for the camp was strongly defended, yet intercepting such as had been sent out, as though into a friendly country for provisions, they killed them, with the exception of a few, whom Cæsar speedily surrounded; and after this they attempted the camp itself, but without effect, and were repelled with loss; they would not come to terms, however, until they had been repeatedly worsted. Cæsar, in truth, had no intention to grant them peace; but as the winter was approaching, and he had not sufficient forces present to carry on the war during its continuance; moreover, as the fleet he expected had failed to reach its port, and the Gauls, in consequence of his absence, had become tumultuous, he reluctantly entered into treaty with them; demanding still more hostages, though he received but a small number. He then sailed back to the continent, and quieted the commotions there; having gained no advantge to himself or to the state from Britain, except the glory of having conducted an expedition against it. Of this, indeed, he spoke in very lofty terms himself, and the Romans at home entertained a wonderful high opinion. For seeing that places before unknown were now made manifest, and a region hitherto unheard of, now rendered accessible to them; they indulged the hope of success, as if it were already a reality, and looking upon whatever they expected to achieve as now in their possession, they gave way to joy: and on this account they decreed a festival of twenty days continuance. Such were the transactions at Rome in its seven hundredth year. But in Gaul, under the consulship of the before-mentioned Lucius Domitius and Appius Claudius, among other preparations Cæsar built ships of an intermediate size, between his own swift sailing vessels and those of burthen which he had there obtained, that they might be as buoyant as possible, and yet resist the waves; and although left on the strand, should receive no injury therefiom. As soon, therefore, as the season admitted of sailing, he again passed over into Britain; alleging as a pretext that the Britons had not sent him all the hostages which they had promised, for as he had at that time departed without accomplishing his purpose they thought he would never attempt them again, but his real motive was a vehement desire of possessing the island; so that had not this happened, he would easily have found some other pretext. He landed at the same place as before, no one daring to resist him, both on account of the multitude of his ships, and because they reached the shore on many points at once; and immediately he fortified his naval station. From these causes, therefore, the barbarians were unable to obstruct his landing, and becoming more terrified than formerly, inasmuch as he had arrived with a more numerous army, they conveyed their substance of greatest value into such neighbouring thickets as were most difficult of access; and having placed them in safety, for they cut down the surrounding trees, and piled others in layers upon them so as in some degree to resemble a wall, they then infested the foraging parties of the Romans. Being worsted, moreover, in a certain battle in the open country, they enticed the Romans, in the pursuit, to their fastness, and thence in turn killed many of them. And after this a tempest having again shattered the enemies ships, the Britons summoned their allies, and made an attack even upon the Roman station; having given the command to Cassivelaunus, the chief potentate of the island. The Romans, then, coming into conflict with them, were at first thrown into disorder by the shock of their chariots; but afterwards opening their ranks and letting them pass through, and aiming obliquely at the assailing enemy, they retrieved the fight. For a time both parties maintained their position; but afterwards the barbarians, although they were victorious over the infantry, yet being worsted by the cavalry, retreated to the Thames; and defending its passage with stakes, as well above as beneath the water, here they took their station. But when Cæsar, by a vigorous attack, compelled them to quit their stockade, and next drove them by siege from their fortress; while such of them as assailed the naval station were routed by his other troops, they became terrified, and obtained peace on sending hostages, and being constrained to pay a yearly tribute. Thus Cæsar departed wholly from the island, leaving therein no portion of his army; thinking that it would be dangerous for it to winter in a hostile country, and inexpedient for himself to be longer absent from Gaul. Cymbeline. SHAKSPERE. ONE of the authors of "Guesses at Truth" says, Seeing that the history of the world is one of God's own great poems, how can any man aspire to do more than recite a few brief passages from it? This is what man's poems are, the best of them. This, too, is what man's histories would be, could other men write history in the same vivid, speaking characters, in which * * * * Shakspere has placed so many of our kings in imperishable individuality before us? Only look at his King John: look at any historian's. Which gives you the liveliest, faithfullest representation of that prince, and of his age? the poet? or the historians?" This passage will explain why, in the Dramatic Scenes which these volumes will occasionally present, we shall avoid any comparison with what is called the truth of history. But we shall not touch any scenes which are absolute violations of received historical facts. We shall endeavour to confine our selections to such scenes as convey, with whatever differences of power, something of "the true knowledge to be learnt, whether from Poetry or from History—the knowledge of real importance to man for the study of his own nature —the knowledge of the principles and the passions by which men in various ages have been agitated and swayed, and by which events have been brought about." The first drama that carries us into a period not very remote from the Roman invasion is the "Cymbeline" of Shakspere. It was not the purpose of the poet to make Cymbeline a History. The historical portion is subservient to the main action of the piece—the fortunes of Imogen and Posthumus. But there is enough of that historical portion to enable us to commence our scenes with a brief selection from our highest and most splendid historical teacher. In "Cymbeline" we have the ancient Britons presented to us under a rich colouring, whose tints belong to the truth of high art. Shakspere threw the scene with marvellous judgment into the obscure period of British history, when there was enough of fact to give precision to his painting, and enough of fable to cast over it that twilight hue which all poets love. In these scenes we are thrown back into the half-fabulous history of our own country, and see all objects under the dim light of uncertain events and manners. We have civilisation contending with semi-barbarism; the gorgeous worship of the Pagan world subduing to itself the more simple worship of the Druidical times; kings and courtiers surrounded with the splendour of "barbaric pearl and gold; and, even in those days of simplicity, a wilder and a simpler life, amidst the fastnesses of mountains, and the solitude of caves-the hunters' life, who "have seen nothing" "Subtle as the fox for prey, Like warlike as the wolf," but who yet, in their natural piety, know "how to adore the heavens." This is opposed to our common notion of painted savages, living in wretched huts. There was a civilisation amongst the stock from which we are descended, before the Roman refinement. Strabo says that the Britons had the same manners as the Gauls. They wore party-coloured tunics, flowered with variɔus colours in divisions. They had chequered cloaks. They bore helmets of brass upon their heads. They had broad-swords suspended by iron or brazen chains. Some were girded with belts of gold or silver. Pliny tells us that they excelled in the arts of weaving and dyeing cloth, and wove their fine dyed wool, so as to form stripes or chequers. This is the tartan of the Highlanders"the garb of old Gaul." Their round bronze shields are the ornaments of our antiquarian cabinets. We may, without any violation of historical accuracy, believe that the Romans had introduced their arts to an extent that might have made Cymbeline's palace bear some of the characteristics of a Roman villa. A highly-civilised people very quickly impart the external forms of their civilisation to those whom they have colonised. The houses of the inhabitants in general might retain in a great degree their primitive rudeness. When Julius Cæsar invaded Britain, the people of the southern coasts had already learned to build houses a little more substantial and convenient than those of the inland inhabitants. "The country," he remarks, "abounds in houses, which very much resemble those of Gaul." Now those of Gaul are thus described by Strabo :-"They build their houses of wood, in the form of a circle, with lofty tapering roofs.”—Lib. v. The foundations of some of the most substantial of these circular houses were of stone, of which there are still some remains in Cornwall, Anglesey, and other places. Strabo says, "The forests of the Britons are their cities; for, when they have enclosed a very large circuit with felled trees, they build within it houses for themselves and hovels for their cattle."-Lib. iv. But Cymbeline was one of the most wealthy and powerful of the ancient British kings. His capital was Camulodunum, supposed to be Maldon or Colchester. It was the first Roman colony in this island, and a place of great magnificence. SCENE I. "In a Caius Lucius is sent to Britain to demand tribute. Room of State in Cymbeline's palace" we have the meeting between the King of our isle, and the ambassador of Rome. Cymbeline, in this scene, is calm and dignified. The Queen, and Cloten her son, are violent and coarse, as their characters are drawn: Cym. Now say, what would Augustus Cæsar with us? And his succession, granted Rome a tribute, |