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anyone besides towards effecting the salutary change. He was a student of Trinity College, and published soon after leaving it—as early as 1680–a translation of Descartes' Meditations with the objections of Hobbes and Descartes' replies. In 1683, assisted by Sir W. Petty, he established a philosophical society in Dublin for the purpose of discussing moral questions and advancing experimental inquiry. A few years later, he published the first work on optics which had appeared in English, and in a dedication to the Royal Society, of which he had been elected a member, he notices amongst the improvements of philosophy produced by the inductive method, the advances in logic recently made by the celebrated John Locke. Besides being an excellent mathematician and astronomer, Molyneux took a keen interest in mental science, and, living in Dublin in constant intercourse with its most eminent men, including his old associates at Trinity College, he gave a powerful impulse to the spirit of inquiry in both directions. Although this eminent man died two years before Berkeley entered college, his eldest son, Samuel Molyneux, left under the guardianship of his uncle, soon met Berkeley within the college walls, and became one of his constant companions and intimate friends. It is to him Berkeley dedicates the firstfruits of his mathematical studies in a curiously eulogistic address expressing strong personal regard towards his friend, and the confident assurance of his future distinction in literature and science. He celebrates in equally emphatic language the mathematical and philosophical eminence, both of his father, 'cut off by a fate, deplorable alike for his country
and the interests of learning,' and of his uncle, Dr. Thomas Molyneux, who had undertaken the duty of superintending his nephew's education. Dr. Molyneux, who was professor of medicine in the University of Dublin, survived his brother for more than thirty years, taking during the whole of the period a prominent part in the scientific and philosophic activities of the college and city. Like his brother, he was a man of eminent scientific and literary attainments, a member of the Royal Society, and a frequent contributor to its Transactions. Like him, he was also a personal friend and correspondent of Locke ; and, amongst other papers from his pen, there appeared in the year Berkeley graduated a series of letters on philosophical subjects, originally addressed by him to that eminent English thinker.
Berkeley must have been a frequent visitor at Dr. Molyneux's house during his residence at Trinity College, and here he would be sure, not only to hear of anything fresh
or interesting in the worlds of science, philosophy, and literature, but to have the more important results of speculation and experimental research discussed with ample knowledge, cultured intelligence, and critical skill. In later years, Berkeley's connexion with the Molyneux family led indirectly to his advancement at Court and preferment in the Church. Soon after leaving Trinity College, young Molyneux had been appointed secretary to Prince George of Hanover, afterwards George II., and, at the accession of George I., he accompanied the Prince- then Prince of Wales—to England, and remained for a time with him at the Court of St. James's, acting in the same capacity. In consequence of this connexion with the Court, young Molyneux appears to have been for some years better known in London society than his father. In the preface to a French translation of Locke's Essay, published in 1719, the translator, referring to the elder Molyneux, speaks of him as le père de l'illustre Mr. Molyneux, Secre• taire de S.A.R. le Prince de Galles. During Berkeley's first visit to London, his old college friend presented him to the Princess of Wales, afterwards Queen Caroline, who was so charmed with his manners and conversation as to require his presence at the philosophic and literary receptions she was in the habit of giving once every week. Here he met, amongst other eminent men, Clarke, Hoadly, and Sherlock; and, to the delight of the Princess, engaged with them in animated discussion on philosophical questions, including the leading points of his own ideal system. After the failure of the Bermuda project, when Berkeley returned to London from Rhode Island, the Princess--now Queen Caroline-remembered her old acquaintance, and interested herself so effectually on his behalf as to secure for him the Bishopric of Cloyne.
But his earlier connexion with the Molyneux family during his residence at Trinity College is the more important event in Berkeley's mental history, as helping to kindle his interest in the new philosophy, and fix his attention on the metaphysical speculations out of which his own system arose. A number of minor circumstances tend to show the strong interest which the writings of Descartes and Locke excited at Trinity College during this period, and how keenly Berkeley himself felt the stimulating impulse. The year after he matriculated, a Latin translation of Locke's Essay was published by a member of the college. Burridge, the translator, had undertaken the work originally at the suggestion of the elder Molyneux, in order, amongst other purposes, to promote the rapid interchange of philosophic conceptions between British and Con
his he habit of giving Clarke, Hoaded with them ithe leading
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tinental thinkers. The year before, a complete translation of Malebranche's great work, · De la Recherche de la Vérité,' with his replies to the objections of his critics, and some smaller tracts, had appeared at Oxford, and been forwarded to Dublin. Three or four years later, Berkeley himself seems to have taken a leading part in the formation of a collegiate society for the discussion of questions connected with the new philosophy. Several of the questions thus debated are found in the Berkeley Papers, and they are nearly all taken from the writings of Descartes, Malebranche, and Locke; and almost every page of the Commonplace Book shows how completely the writer's mind was absorbed by the speculative impulse communicated from their works, and how keenly he was working out for himself the fresh problems the central principles of their philosophy had suggested.
There was, however, at this time, another influence powerfully at work in Dublin society, especially amongst its ecclesiastical and academical sections, which requires some notice, from the extent to which it obviously affected Berkeley's mind, and helped to mould his future thought. The influence was that resulting from a keen religious excitement, primarily connected with the Church of which Berkeley was a member, and whose orders he soon afterwards received. The Irish Church has always been noted for the strength of its convictions, and the energy of its occasional denunciations of those who are outside its pale. This narrow, though vigorous and intrepid sectarian life was indeed a natural result of its position. Having to carry on a perpetual war with the enemy at the gate, with the dominant Romanisın around it, the Church was always in fighting trim, ready to do battle against all comers at the shortest notice and in the most energetic style. Any hostile challenge would therefore be at once taken up, and at the first note of opposition or attack the flag of defiance would be unfurled, the drum ecclesiastic sounded, and the invader met with the active forces and matured strategy of theological warfare. It was thus the true Church militant, alive to any opposition however feeble, and prompt to repel any aggression however slight.
One of these characteristic outbursts of somewhat excessive zeal had occurred just three years before Berkeley entered Trinity College. 'Toland, the author of Christianity not • Mysterious,' the year after the book was published, and when the excitement it produced was at its height, ventured to visit Dublin with the intention of remaining there for some time. The ground was indeed to some extent prepared, as on the appearance of the work in the previous year, the London booksellers had sent a number of copies to the Irish capital, where it had excited as much commotion as in England. Toland was an Irishman by birth, and shared to the full in the love of social notoriety and delight at the prospect of a faction fight which belong to his race. Though a good scholar and an honest man enough, he was not only ambitious of social distinction, but vain of his learning and abilities, and given to boastful talking of his distinguished reception at Oxford and London, and his intimate connexion with great men in both places. He seems to have gone to Dublin, partly to enjoy the learned recognition which he imagined the fame of his work would procure for him, and partly to carry the war which he claimed to wage against priestly intolerance and dogmatic assumption into the enemy's camp. He met, however, a much warmer reception than he anticipated. It was not for a inoment to be supposed that the Irish Church would remain inactive with such an enemy at her very gates. She took the field at once, and proved fully equal to the emergency. Toland's own conduct was anything but prudent or conciliatory. He seems to have swaggered about the city giving rent, in season and out of season, to his aggressive and boastful loquacity. Wherever he went, he indulged in violent attacks on the clergy, and ostentatiously proclaimed himself a freethinker in religion. His presence and behaviour thus naturally excited amongst the clergy and their friends a feeling of intense irritation and bitter hostility. Molyneux, writing to Locke a short time after his arrival, thus describes the welcome he received: “There is a violent sort of spirit that • reigns here, which begins already to show itself against him, 6 and I believe will increase daily, for I find the clergy alarmed 'to a mighty degree against him; and last Sunday he had his - welcome to the city by hearing himself harangued against
out of the pulpit by a prelate of this country.' Not only, however, did the pulpits of the city thunder against Toland.
The Irish Parliament took the matter up, and voted that his book should be burned by the common hangman, ordering at the same time that the author should be taken into custody by the sergeant-at-arms and prosecuted by the Attorney-General. Even before this extreme step was taken, the outcry against him had become so universal that it was even dangerous for “a man to have been known once to converse with him.'
Toland, unable to face the storm, fled precipitately from the kingdom, discharging a Parthian pamphlet at the Irish Parliament in his flight.
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The furor against Toland extended from the clergy, the friends of the Church, and the Parliament, to Trinity College, and stimulated the senior Fellow, Mr. Peter Browne -afterwards Bishop of Cork-to become the literary champion of outraged orthodoxy. While the excitement was at its height, Browne published his reply to Toland, which, though in some respects an able work, bears unmistakeable marks of the violent and bitter spirit the conflict had produced. In abusive language and ruthless intolerance of tone and sentiment, it far exceeds indeed the usual license of sectarian controversy. Molyneux, in sending a copy of the book to Locke, says that, though he is personally acquainted with the author, he cannot forgive his foul language and opprobrious epithets, or his "continually calling in the civil magistrate and delivering • Mr. Toland up to secular punishment. This is indeed," he adds, “a killing argument.' But truculence of this sort was not altogether confined to the Irish Church. A kind of approving echo comes from England in the shape of a congratulation addressed by the celebrated Dr. South to the Archbishop of Dublin that, instead of sheltering Toland, the Irish Parlia• ment, to their immortal honour, presently sent him packing, • and without the help of a faggot, soon made the kingdom too • hot for him.' The Archbishop was himself, however, so pleased with the reply, that Browne was, through his influence, raised to the Provostship of Trinity College a few months before Berkeley matriculated The promotion was avowedly a reward for the services he had rendered the clerical party in the struggle. The excitement was kept up by fresh pamphlets from Toland ; and Berkeley, soon after entering college, would be sure to hear all about the arch-heretic, and the distinguished part which the learned Provost had taken in replying to his attacks. A year or two later, in 1704, Toland published a letter maintaining the very form of materialistic doctrine against which Berkeley's metaphysical reasonings were afterwards directed—that matter is eternal, and motion its essential property; and later still, he developed the doctrine into a scheme of avowed and tolerably coherent pantheism.
The local movement against Toland was thus exactly fitted to strike the deepest chords in Berkeley's nature, and rouse the best energies of his acute and argumentative intellect. Toland was the representative of a wider attack then made on the Church by assailants variously known as sceptics, materialists, infidels, and freethinkers. While much of the substance of this attack was calculated to shock Berkeley's intense theistic feeling, the form of it outraged his most cherished institutional
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