equal.' He argues further, that the whole influence of human genius never can be secured to the world for its advancement and happiness, except every individual mind be fostered and brought into action. Wherever there is an unimproved mind, there is an unknown amount of lost usefulness and dormant energy.' Hence the obligation to extend, to the utmost possible limits, the advantages of knowledge. Hence the duty of that benevolence which provides for the mind; and not for the mind only, but for the heart and the character. Education must be based on principle, and mingled with religion.

"The education of all youth should be strictly a religious education. I do not mean by this, that children should be bound down to the reading of the Bible, chapter by chapter, and the regular rehearsal of a catechism, and the mechanical repetition of a few hymns,-and that it then should be taken for granted, that their religious education was complete. I would reach after something far more definite, solid, and practical. I would insist that they should be made to understand the laws of God, and to see and feel their application to their own bosoms and their own daily conduct; that they should be well grounded in all their personal and relative duties, by those who are well qualified to instruct them; that each individual should be enabled to form for himself a set of clear and immoveable principles, from which should perpetually spring up the practice of honesty, sobriety, industry, humility, benevolence, and all the consenting virtues. **

'I would repeat, that a mere lip religion will not do, will not answer the purpose. Religion must bear down, as it were, with a nicely adjusted pressure, on all human actions and events; it must be woven in through the whole texture of life and conversation; or it is a useless thing. When properly inculcated, however, it is the very first and most important thing, and nothing else is valuable without it. A variety of well digested knowledge will indeed happily prepare the way for its reception and efficacy; but if it be absent, all possible knowledge is "as sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal." Religion is the only sure foundation of virtue; and what is any human being, young or old, rich or poor, without virtue? He cannot be trusted, he cannot be respected, confided in, or loved.Religion is the only sure index of duty; and how can any one pursue an even or a reputable course, without rules and without principles? Religion is the only guide to true happiness; and who is there so hardy as to assume the tremendous responsibility of withholding those instructions and consolations, which dispel doubt, soothe affliction, make the bed of sickness, spread the dying pillow, and open the gates of an effulgent futurity?"

This connection between the cultivation of the intellect and the firm establishment of the religious principle is of the utmost consequence to be kept in view; since it is only by securing this, that it can be made certain that the new powers which education shall give to the inferior classes, will not be employed to the detriment of society rather than to its advantage. By combining with it the powers of religion, this danger is avoided, and the moral safety of society is provided for just in proportion as its intellect is advanced. Under these limitations, then,' says Mr. Greenwood,—that is, that education be not a smattering, but be thorough and also religious,

'Under these limitations, education may be made as liberal as circumstances will permit, without the fear of pernicious consequences. I will put it to the experience of any one of you, if in your intercourse with the poor of various conditions, you have not been better served, and treated with more honesty, fairness, kindness, and deference, by those who have possessed a more than usual share of intellectual impovement, than by those who could hardly tell their right hand from their left. I ask, whether there is not more cunning, deception, falsehood, pilfering, and licentiousness, among the ignorant, than among the well informed. If so, the plea for a well conducted religious education of the children of the poor and the abandoned, is fully admitted.'

Under the last head, he speaks of the consequences of this universal diffusion of knowledge, in promoting real prosperity, in securing the public order, in sustaining free institutions, and exciting to active benevolence; as also in providing the surest happiness for individual men. In illustrating this part of the subject he draws a picture of the sources of our country's growing greatness, in strong contrast with the despotisms of Europe, which we greatly desire to transfer to our pages; but which, having been introduced into most of the papers of the day, has become too well known to need citation.

Mr. Wayland's discourses are of a high order of excellence, and have been so extensively circulated and admired as not to need our attestation to their justness of thought and eloquence of language. We do not refer to them that we may praise them, but because, though political in their general character, their speculations are all brought to bear upon the subject of education, and to make way for a powerful appeal to his countrymen to do their part in the diffusion of knowledge and virtue.

He proposes to inquire what are the duties of a citizen of his country, in an age like this, and in a state of society like ours. In order to this, he regards him as a member of the universal family of man, and this nation as one of the great family of civilised nations. He therefore first casts his eye abroad upon the world. He marks its political aspect. He sees the characteristic feature of the times to be, that division which is taking place between 'the governments of law and governments of will.' He observes that the cause of human improvement is identified with that of liberal government, and is checked and thrown back by arbitrary government: that of one of these two great parties, upon whose struggle for ascendency the destinies of mankind seem to hang, America stands first;-leader and head, example and hope, of that party, which maintains the right of all to take part in the public concerns, and to appoint those who shall manage them, and which thus supports the great rights, and anticipates the greatest happiness and improvement of man. For a nation to take the lead in so responsible

an enterprise, as the establishment of this new order of things, evidently requires the highest wisdom and virtue. The basis of such a system can be nothing but intelligence and integrity in the people. And hence the duty of an American citizen is, with a deep impression of this truth, of the responsibility which pertains to his country, and the incalculable consequences which depend on its wisdom-to exert himself faithfully to strive for and secure the intellectual, moral, and religious education of the whole people. We will not follow the preacher through these topics, but simply adduce a few passages which may speak for themselves.

'It seems then evident, that the paramount duty of an American citizen, is, to put in requisition every possible means for elevating universally the intellectual and moral character of our people.

'When we speak of intellectual elevation, we would not suggest that all our citizens are to become able linguists, or profound mathematicians. This, at least for the present, is not practicable; it certainly is not necessary. The object at which we aim will be attained, when every man is familiarly acquainted with what are now considered the ordinary branches of an English education. The intellectual stores of one language are then open before him; a language in which he may find all the knowledge that he shall ever need to form his opinions upon any subjects on which it shall be his duty to decide. A MAN WHO CANNOT READ, let us always remember, is A Being not contemPLATED BY THE genius oe OUR CONSTITUTION. Where the right of suffrage is extended to all, he is certainly a dangerous member of the community who has not qualified himself to exercise it. But on this part of the subject I need not enlarge. The proceedings of our general and State Legislatures already furnish ample proof that our people are tremblingly alive to its importance. We do firmly believe the time to be not far distant, when there will not be found a single citizen of these United States, who is not entitled to the appellation of a well informed man.

'But supposing all this to be done, still only a part and by far the least important part of our work will have been accomplished. We have increased the power of the people, but we have left it doubtful in what direction that power will be exerted. We have made it certain that a public opinion will be formed; but whether that opinion shall be healthful or destructive, is yet to be decided. We have cut out channels by which knowledge may be conveyed to every individual of our mighty population; it remains for us, by means of those very channels, to instil into every bosom an unshaken reverence for the principles of right. Having gone thus far, then, we must go farther; for you must be aware that the tenure by which our liberties is held can never be secure, unless moral keep pace with intellectual cultivation. This leads us to remark in the second place, that our other and still more imperious duty is, to cultivate the moral character of our people.

On the means by which this may be effected, I need not detain you. We have in our hands a book of tried efficacy; a work which contains the only successful appeal that was ever made to the moral sense of man; a book which unfolds the only remedy that has ever been applied with any effect to the direful maladies of the human heart. You need not be informed that I refer to the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments.

As to the powerful, I had almost said miraculous effect of the sacred scriptures, there can no longer be a doubt in the mind of any one on whom fact can make an impression. That the truths of the Bible have the power of awakening an intense moral feeling in man under every variety of character, learned or ignorant, civilised or savage; that they make bad men good, and send a pulse of healthful feeling through all the domestic, civil and social relations; that they teach men to

love right, to hate wrong, and to seek each other's welfare, as the children of one common parent; that they control the baleful passions of the human heart, and thus make men proficients in the science of self government; and finally, that they teach him to aspire after conformity to a Being of infinite holiness, and fill him with hopes infinitely more purifying, more exalting, more suited to his nature than any other, which this world has ever known; are facts incontrovertible as the laws of philosophy, or the demonstrations of mathematics. Evidence in support of all this can be brought from every age in the history of man, since there has been a revelation from God on earth. We see the proof of it every where around us. There is scarcely a neighborhood in our country where the Bible is circulated, in which we cannot point you to a very considerable portion of its population, whom its truths have reclaimed from the practice of vice, and-taught the practice of whatsoever things are pure and honest and just and of good report.

That this distinctive and peculiar effect is produced upon every man to whom the gospel is announced, we pretend not to affirm. But we do affirm, that besides producing this special renovation to which we have alluded, upon a part, it in a inost remarkable degree elevates the tone of moral feeling throughout the whole of a community. Wherever the Bible is freely circulated, and its doctrines carried home to the understandings of men, the aspect of society is altered; the frequency of crime is diminished; men begin to love justice, and to administer it by law; and a virtuous public opinion, that strongest safeguard of right, spreads over a nation the shield of its invisible protection.

To sum up in a few words what has been said. If we would see the foundations laid broadly and deeply, on which the fabric of this country's liberties shall rest to the remotest generations; if we would see her carry forward the work of political reformation, and rise the bright and morning star of freedom over a benighted world; let us elevate the intellectual and moral character of every class of our citizens, and specially let us imbue them thoroughly with the principles of the gospel of Jesus Christ.'

We would cite, had we room for it, the fine passage which illustrates the intellectual influence of the scriptures. But we must be satisfied with a single paragraph of the peroration.

"When I reflect that some of you who now hear me will see fifty millions of souls enrolled on the census of these United States; when I think how small a proportion our present efforts bear to the pressing wants of this mighty population, and how soon the period in which those wants can be supplied will have forever elapsed; when moreover I reflect how the happiness of man is interwoven with the destinies of this country;-I want language to express my conceptions of the importance of the subject; and yet I am aware that those conceptions fall far short of the plain, unvarnished truth. When I look forward over the long tract of coming ages, the dim shadows of unborn nations pass in solemn review before me, and cach, by every sympathy which binds together the whole brotherhood of man, implores this country to fulfil that destiny to which she has been summoned by an all-wise Providence, and save a sinking world from temporal misery and eternal death.'

One cannot be unimpressed with statements which are thus made, of the prospect before us, and the advancement of the human race, especially on this continent. It is not easy to exaggerate on this subject, or to speak in tones of too great confidence or of too solemn warning. The progress of America is no longer problematical. She MUST continue, for centuries to come, to advance with giant steps in the career of improvement.' 'She is marked out as the

seat of future opulence, science, and civilisation.** Foreigners thus acknowledge it, and speak of it in strong prophecy, and draw toward it the watchful eyes of mankind. Amongst ourselves it is, it must and will be, a subject of perpetual congratulation, and excite every year louder exultation and more vehement boasting from all our political orators. It is an intoxicating theme, and will furnish inexhaustible food to that national vanity, which is already so offen

A proper national spirit is good; but gasconade and intemperate self-complacency are disgusting. Our national character is in danger from this quarter. It needs to be sobered. And for this cause we particularly rejoice to find the ministers of religion, the appointed guardians of public opinion, using the weight of their character and office, as has been done by those whose valuable discourses we have noticed. The watchmen should all be awake, and give no uncertain sound on this subject. The press is but too ready to join the natural popular feeling, and thoughtlessly inflate a pride already approaching to arrogance. Let the pulpit be earnest to interpose a check. Let such voices as these be heard from it— rejoicing in the glorious auspices of the country, and eloquently speaking of its excellent distinction; but calling on the people to feel this eminence as a trust, bearing urgently home to their thoughts that they have a solemn duty and responsibility on this account; that the character of those uncounted millions which are hastening to be born, and consequently of their institutions, and consequently of the influence they shall exert on the condition of the world, depends upon what shall now be done; and that therefore, a heavy weight of guilt must lie upon the present generation, if it do not make provision for training to intelligence and virtue those who are so fast rising up around us. The character and condition of that immense multitude depend upon nothing so much as upon the principles and feelings which may be transmitted to them from the present generation'. Let this be insisted upon and felt. Nothing will tend more to sober our national character. It will convert vanity into a solemn feeling of accountableness. It will keep and extend among us the self-denying, enlarged, generous principles, which our fathers possessed and exercised, when in the spirit of devout reliance on God they planted these scions in the desert, and looked forward with the stedfast assurance of faith to the day when they should be mighty trees spreading abroad their branches to protect, and shedding their leaves to heal the nations. Let that spirit be exhibited and inculcated by every serious friend to his country and to man. Let those who guide the press and those who minister at the altar diffuse it. Let them seek to mould it into the mass of

• Ed. Review, No. LXXXIV, p. 303.

VOL. 1.

† N. A. Review, Jan. 1818.

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