under the sanction of the Constitution, in order that we may be enlightened as to our duty to our enslaved countrymen. If we, or the abolitionists, or Mr. Thompson, violate the laws of the land, let us, or them, be dealt with accordingly-but if the laws protect us, let not our fellowcitizens countenance the outrages of mobocrats, however ' rich and respectable' they may be.

I rejoice that we have had a large meeting of the yeomanry of Massachusetts assembled in this town, to hear Mr. Thompson just at this time; because the opposers of freedom and the rights of man, and the liberty of speech, seem to have singled him out as the especial object of attack, thus identifying him with the cause which every true New Englander loves. I have no time to give you a detailed account of Mr. Thompson's address. It was listened to with deep-often breathless attention-and not a sentiment escaped his lips, although he spoke with matchless rapidity, to which any friend of man or of America could object.

Yours,

R.

MR. THOMPSON AT CONCORD, N. H.

FROM THE CONCORD (N. H.) HERALD OF FREEDOM.

To reply to all the slanders and falsehoods showered upon the noble stranger, George Thompson, from our most unscrupulous press, with a frequency, multiplicity, and malice aforethought, that beat the 'infernal machine' fired off at Louis Phillippe, would worry down Briareus himself with a whole quiver of goose quills in each of his hundred hands-and an attempt to be heard before a community resolved into one great variegated mobocracy, were as idle and bootless as the whistle of the stout mariner amid the roar of the tempest.' But there is now and then a perpetration that transcends abolition patience itself.

Professing Christians, most of us, we did not dream that associations of the friends of missions would disregard the appeal of Mr. Thompson, or refuse to hear him because he was a foreigner,' or that an enlightened ministry would join in with the wicked partizan deprecation, Foreign emissary, supported by foreign funds, sent here to overturn our peculiar institutions.' What is the missionary to India but an 'emissary?' what is New England to the Hindoo but foreign' land? and what the gifts of the monthly concert, and the treasures of the contribution box, but 'foreign funds' to the banks of the Ganges? and whatI was about to say-are the infernal rights of Heathenism but their peculiar institutions?' But here the parallel fails, for there is nothing in all the grim and foul incidents of ages of Pagan darkness and depravity, to be named by the side of that unutterable, diabolical peculiarity,' American

Slavery! Slavery, pure, absolute, unalloyed-extinguishing the soul, rendering needless all fetters of the body, reducing man to the implicit subserviency of the dogNo! there is no 'peculiar institution' under heaven, comparable with this, and has not been since the fall.

Mr. Thompson witnessed this associate procedure; and on his return to his lodgings, took up the question with professional composure,- What has the Church to do with slavery?' He made it the theme of his evening lecture. The chapel was full. Many clergymen of the association, and gentlemen of high ecclesiastical and literary rank attended. I wish they had all attended. I wish the entire ministry of New England could have heard that lecture. 'What has the Church to do with Slavery?' was the tremendous interrogatory, and would to Heaven the American church could have listened to the mighty reasonings in reply. Could they have been within the reach of that argument, and heard it in the spirit of Christians in seasons of revivals, the incendiary' appeal of George Thompson, that night, would have proved, by the blessing of God, the overthrow, forever, of American Slavery.

At the animated and urgent request of many who were desirous to hear him again, he remained and lectured on Wednesday evening. The chapel was thronged. Very many clergymen attended-more than on the preceding evening. It was as reverend and respectable an auditory as the land could afford. The theme of the lecture was the crime of the abolitionists and the sin of their cause. It was that they pleaded for the black man. It was because he was black. The orator seemed to give full play to his feelings and his genius. His illustration of the two philanthropists in the captive's dungeon at midnight, one demanding of the other, as they came nigh and heard his moan, and the clank of his chain, as he tossed in his restless sleep-that they should rescue him and give him his liberty, and the other, in the true spirit of prudential expediency, questioning of the captive's form, his country, his features, his complexion, and to all these, the reply He is a man, in thundering succession, was overpoweringterrible. I do not remember any thing like its effect upon the auditory. The whole lecture was of grand and lofty

eloquence, realizing to me what I had imagined of the powers of Sheridan or Patrick Henry.

At the close of the lecture, a resolution drawn by Mr. Whittier, and vindicating the claims of Anti-Slavery upon the church, and upon all patriots and Christians, was offered by Rev. Mr. Curtis of Pittsfield. Rev. Mr. Root of Dover, in the chair. It was seconded-twice read, that it might be distinctly heard, and carried by an almost universal vote-not a hand rising to the contrary call. After this, under impressions that I could not resist, in such terms as I could command, I moved the reverend and learned assembly, that thanks be proffered to our beloved brother Thompson, for his affectionate labors among us, and that the vote be expressed by rising. The motion was answered by a spontaneous, simultaneous, and enthusiastic rising, that seemed to leave no unthanking or unthankful individual in town.

LETTER FROM MARBLEHEAD.

THURSDAY EVENING, OCT. 22, 1835.

MY DEAR Friend

And fellow-laborer in the cause of freedom, for two millions two hundred and fifty thousand American slaves:

Since despatching the few hasty lines which I wrote you on receipt of the news of yesterday's proceedings in Boston, I have yielded to a strong impulse to address you a longer communication, more fully expressive of the views and feelings with which the signs of the times have inspired me. I despair, however, of finding words to express adequately the deep sympathy I cherish with you in the midst of your trials and persecutions, and the feelings of my soul, as I contemplate passing events, and follow out to its ultimate results, the headlong wickedness of this generation. Surely, we can enter somewhat into the experience of the lamenting prophet, when he exclaimed,- Oh that my head were waters, and mine eyes a fountain of tears, that I might weep day and night for the sins' of this people.

How unutterably affecting is a view of the present aspect of the country! The enslavement of the colored population seems to be but one of a hideous host of evils, threatening in their combined influence, the overthrow of the fairest prospects of this wide republic. Of the abolition of slavery 1 feel certain. Its doom is sealed. I read it in the holy and inflexible resolves of thousands who are coming up to the contest with the spirit of martyrs, and in the strength, and under the leadership of Jehovah. I read it in the blind fury and unmitigated malignity of Southern tyrants and their Northern participants in crime. I read it in the gathering frown, and bursting indignation of Christendom. The consummation of our hopes draws