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was supposed to allude to a few persons, who had appeared rather restless, for some time, and had at this stage simultaneously retreated below the stairs.]
Abolition was unconstitutional in the West Indies. It was an infringement of their charter, as my friend, Mr. Child, who has shown such an intimate acquaintance with the West India colonies, knows.
But go to the hut of a free Antigonian, live with him, see a Bermudian toss up a free child, and say if there be aught unconstitutional in these. Look to them of Jamaica, when the three and five years, (a paltry chandler shop business,) have expired; and declare of those regenerated men, if the genius of emancipation have committed anything unconstitutional there.
For the present, you must be prepared to be libelled. When slavery shall have fallen, out of the ruins you may dig a pretty fair reputation. You must not expect your portraits to be excellently drawn, especially by southern Jimners. You may be represented with hoofs, and horns, and other appendages of a certain distinguished personage, who shall be nameless.
It is in vain to regret, or strive to eschew this. Your reputation is already gone. You are in the case of poor Michael Cassio. “O reputation, reputation, reputation, I've lost my reputation.' But yesterday, rich men bowed, and bade me good morning in State street. The periodicals were delighted with my articles, and returned substantial proofs of approbation. Now my paragraphs of an inch long are suspected; and I seldom see the sunshine of a smile.
But never mind, reputation will come by and by. We have as good a reputation as the Gallileans had, or as their Master had, and who could have a better? Take it inversely, and you will hit it about right (at least if you have all given as little cause as I have.) We have the testimony of the Most Iligh for our principles. In the language of the Declaration of sentiment, 'man may fail, but principles never.' The mustard seed is sown, or to change the figure, the acorn is planted; nay it is not an acornthe oak is set and shall grow, and spread over the black and the white its strong and ample boughs, and when cut down it shall be the bulwark of your glory, and the guarantee of your safety. (Mr. Thompson sat down amidst great applause.)
MR. THOMPSON AT LYNN.
FROM THE LYNN RECORD.
This distinguished young friend and disciple of Wilberforce, and justly celebrated orator, who has been repeatedly invited by the Anti-Slavery Society of this town, arrived on Saturday afternoon last, and was received with great satisfaction and delight. The society bad a meeting on business, at the Town Hall, at the close of which,
Mr. Thompson addressed a large crowded assembly of people, ladies and gentlemen, nearly two hours, in a strain of eloquence and power, quitė beyond any thing we ever heard, and equally beyond our power to describe. All were held, as if by enchantment, to the close. It would be difficult to decide in which he most excelled, matter or manner.
He took a comprehensive and varied view of the enormous injustice and evil of slavery, and brought up and considered the most prominent and popular objections to the plan of immediate abolition, and exposed their hypocrisy and absurdity in his own peculiar and effectual manner of cutting sarcasm. The effect was evidently great.
After Mr. Thompson had closed, a stern Pharisaical looking man, who had been sitting bear the speaker, announcing himself as a preacher of the Gospel, from the South, desired the privilege of putting a few questions to Mr. Thompson, which was readily granted, and the questions as readily answered, to the satisfaction of the audience generally. The object of the stranger was to cavil and carp at what had been said. But the tables were adroitly turned upon the poor man, in a manner least expected, and most mortifying to him. One of the questions, in substance at least, was—'Do you consider every slaveholder a thief?' 'I consider every person who holds and claims the right of holding his fellow being, as property, A MAN STEALER.'
After several questions, captious in their nature, had been asked and answered, Mr. Thompson turned upon his assailant, 'If you have now done, sir, I, in turn, should like to ask you a few questions.'
• Do you consider slavery a sin?'
I do consider slavery a sin.' • Is the marriage of slaves legal in the Southern States?' • It is legalized in Maryland.'
• Can the Slaveholder, by the laws of Maryland, separate husband and wife?'
• He can,' &c. &c.
The gentleman stranger, (who is said to belong to Springfield in this state, formerly from the South) appealed to the people, but finally withdrew his appeal, and declared himself satisfied.' Whether satisfied or not, we believe he had as much as he could digest, and as much as he could swallow, including the question and answer system.
On Sunday evening, Mr. Thompson delivered a lecture on Slavery, in a religious view, as opposed to the doctrines of the Bible. The meeting-house (Rev. Mr. Peabody's) was much crowded, and many went away unable to gain admittance.
On Monday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured on the sin of slavery, before a newly formed ' Anti-Slavery Society, of the New England Conference of Methodist Episcopal Ministers, consisting of about 60 or 70 Ministers-(a glorious phalanx !) at the South street Methodist meetinghouse. The house was well filled; but owing to a misunderstanding by many, that the lecture was to be delivered at the Woodend meeting-house, (which was otherwise engaged) all who went were enabled to get in. The lecture was a powerful and splendid production both in argument and in manner of delivery.
On Tuesday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured at the Friend's meeting-house, which is very large, and was thoroughly filled. He was assisted by Rev. A. A. Phelps, one of the public Agents of the Society, whose address was able, and well received. Mr. Garrison and several other friends of the cause, from Boston and Salem, were pres
ent. Mr. T. took occasion to glance at the past history and conduct of the Friends in regard to slavery, the lively interest they had taken in the cause of the oppressed, and the liberal contributions they had made; and exhorted to a continuance in the ways of well doing.
There may be men in our own country of more learning and more depthof mind, and strengthof reasoning, than Mr. Thompson, though, we think, rarely to be found; but for readiness and skill in debate, and splendor of eloquence, as an orator, we believe he stands unrivalled. His amiableness, mildness of temper, urbanity, and blandness of manners and deportment, are adapted to win the love and affection of all, who are honored with his acquaintance. That the haughty, and the envious, should whisper their malignant hints that something evil is lurking about his character, is no more than may be naturally expected; though they are most fully and satisfactorily refuted by his numerous and honorable testimonials of respect which we have seen, from benevolent societies and individuals in England, where he is well known. These all breathe the warm friendship and esteem which goodness and greatness of soul alone can inspire.
The independence of mind which Mr. Thompson possesses, is one of the most striking and important traits in his excellent character. He shrinks from nothing. He is ready to attack sin and wickedness in every shape-in high or low places : and his thrusts nerer miss-never fail of effect.
The name of Mr. George Thompson' was often associated in the public journals, with distinguished orators and philanthropists, at the various public meetings of benevolent societies in England, long before he embarked for this country. He was there ranked among the most able and popular orators. But here, in this country, there are certain would-be great men, who dare not meet Mr. Thompson in the open field, who vent their pitisul malice, and strive to induce others to treat him with that neglect, to which themselves are so well entitled ; because he brings out and exposes to the light of day their works of dark
• He is a foreigner-he has no right to come here inter
fering with our laws, our customs, and our private rights.'
Very fine, indeed! Capital! Who has a right to interfere, or say a word, if a man murders his wife and children, or sells them into bondage ? It was all his own family concern. Who has a right to express an opinion of the Turks, when oppressing, starving, and murdering the Greeks, not only men, but helpless women and children? Who has a right to express an opinion against the Russians for similar conduct toward the Poles, under similar circumstances, as the latter were the vassals of the former, in both cases ? Who has a right to send Gospel missionaries abroad among the benighted heathen, groping in darkness, in order to instruct and enlighten them in the way of truth? WE-we, the American people, the 'sons of liberty,' claim the right, and exercise it too; without once being asked, why do ye so? We, the American people, claim and exercise the right, when the laws of God the eternal laws of truth and justice, and humanity, are broken, to expose the sin, and to reprove, rebuke and exhort'the transgressor.
• But slavery was brought to our shores and entailed on us by England, against our consent, when we were under her government; and now shall England send men here to complain of the injustice and cruelty of the act, when we should be glad to get rid of the evil, but cannot ?
Reason answers, Yes. If England did wrong, and afterward saw the evil, repented, and brought forth fruits meet for repentance, by liberating all their own slaves, was it not right-was it not a christian duty, to extend their acts of kindness to us also, whom they had led into error ; to tell us what they had done, and how they did it; and to aid and assist us to get out of the difficulty ? The law of God is universal. The law of Christians—the law of love, is universal; and requires the subjects of that law to oppose and expose sin and oppression wherever they are found. We send Ministers, political, religious, and masonic, to England and other places—to co-operate—to ask and give assistance, and mutually to benefit each other. But what can we, in the Northern States do?
We can say, slavery is a sin.' We can enlighten public sentiment on the subject, and cause the sin of slavery-the greatest