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ported (with her cargo) 10 miles by land to the Connusaga, thence to and down the Eastonulla, through the Coosa into the Alabama river a dis

tance of near 1000 miles from the interior."

Damages. We understand that fifteen hundred dollars damages were yesterday awarded in the case of a colored man (Jewett) who was barbarously whipped about two years since in one of our forts. It will be recollected that eight hundred dollars damages were given in the lower court in the same case, from which award the defendant, (col. Eustis), then appealed. [Boston Pat.

Roman gladiators. Let a council of war be sum moned to try these two officers, with all the impartiality which I demand from every judge, and let the most culpable of the two be made an example, by the rigor of the law. I am resolved that this barbarous custom, which is worthy of the age of Tamerlane and Bajazet, and which is so often fatal to the peace of families, shall be punished and sup. pressed, though it should cost me half my officers. There will be still left men who can unite bravery with the duties of faithful subjects, I wish for none who do not respect the laws of the country. Vienna, August, 1774.

TOBACCO. We have a statement of the delive

Auburn state prison, N. Y. There were 213 criminals in this prison on the 31st Dec. last, variously employed. During the year they several times at-ries of tobacco from the London and Liverpool tempted to set fire to the buildings, and once suc- warehouses, in 1820. At London, 3,983 hhas. were ceeded, for which three of them are to be tried. delivered out for consumption, 6,079 for export, The arrangements of this establishment appear to and 108 for the navy. At Liverpool, 3,914 were be excellently well calculated to answer its pur-delivered for home consumption, 814 for transport to Ireland, and 4,228 for export. New-York. An act has passed the legislature of The following is an estimate of the annual conNew-York, authorizing the suffrages of the people sumption and present stock of American tobacco, of the state to be taken on the question of the ex-in Europe, contained in a circular from Mr. James pediency of calling a convention. Hagarty, of Liverpool

poses.

Pennsylvania. It is announced that the senate of this state has "passed a bill, entitled "An act for the improvement of the state," by as great a proportionate majority in that body, as it passed the house of representatives. The appropriations exceed $800,000 besides a guarantee to pay six per cent. interest per annum on 450,000, dollars for twenty-five years, as an encouragement to new subscribers to the stock of the Schuylkill and Susquehannah canal company, making a grand total for the construction and improvement of roads and canals equal to 1,250,000 dollars! A happy presuge of prosperity to be derived from the enlightened measures of government."

Savannah. The population of this city is 7,523; of whom 3,866 are white persons, 582 free people of color and 3,075 slaves. Of the whites 590 are engaged in commerce, and 544 in manufactures, mechanics, &c. There are 190 foreigners not na turalized.

Alabama. List of the house of representatives of the state of Alabama: Virginians, 18; South Carofinians, 13; Georgians, 8; N. Carolinians 7, Pennsylvanian, 1; Marylanders, 2; Tennesseans, 2; and 1 Alabamian.

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The circular goes on to shew that the stock on hand, which is equal to the present year's whole consumption, has accumulated in six years, for that in 1814 there was very little unconsumed American tobacco in Europe, and states the moral certainty of a decline in price, unless the cultivation of the article is restrained, as there is no prospect of increasing the consumption. The writer says he has "looked thirty years back into the operations of this article," and it does not appear that the consumption has ever exceeded 70,000 hhds. and he believes that it does now reach 65,000-which he attributes either to a disuse of the article, or its increased growth in Europe.

Washington, March 17. We understand that the following gentlemen were appointed navy agents on the 3d inst. by the president of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, at the respective places mentioned: Amos Binney, for the port of Boston. Constant Taber Joseph Hull

do

do

George Harrison

do

do

James Beatty
John Randall

DUELLING. The following letter against duelling, which was written by Joseph, late emperor of Germany, has just found its way to the world, in a work published at Leipsic, entitled "A collection of unpublished letters of Joseph II." -Nat. Gaz. "General-I desire you to arrest count Kand captain Wimmediately. The count is of an imperious character, proud of his birth, and full of false ideas of honor. Captain W. who is an old soldier, thinks of settling every thing by the sword or the pistol. He has done wrong to accept a challenge from the young count. I will not suffer the practice of duelling in my army; and I de. spise the arguments of those who seek to justify it. I have a high esteem for officers who expose themselves courageously to the enemy, and who, on all occasions, show themselves intrepid, valiant, and determined in attack as well as in defence. The indifference with which they face death is honorable to themselves and useful to their coun-hands of the Regie. try; but there are men ready to sacrifice every thing to a spirit of revenge and hatred. I despise them; such men, in my opinion, are worse than the

do

Newport, R. I.
Middletown, Ct.
Philadelphia
Baltimore
Annapolis.

Note. These gentlemen were previously in office, but a law of the first session of the sixteenth congress, limiting the term of office, their appointments had expired-hence new appointments were necessary.

*Of the stock in France, 4,500 hħds. are in the

The above stock consists of about 35,000 hhds. Virginia; 15,000 do. Maryland; 17,000 do. Kentuc ky, &c.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM OGDEN NILES, AT THE FRANKLIN PRESS, WATER-STREET, EAST OF SOUTH-STREAT.

NEW SERIES. No. 5-VoL. VIII.] BALTIMORE, MARCH 81, 1821. [No. 5-VOL.XX. WHOLE No. 499

THE PAST THE PRESENT FOR THE FUTURE.

EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PATABLE IN ADVANCE,

Mechanical convenience, as well as a press of matter at a late period of the week, has excluded a continuation of our "free remarks."

south. Cotton is raised in some parts of Tennes. see, but the crop is less certain, we are told, than in Alabama.

The federal number of Tennessee in 1810, which gave her six representatives in congress and a large fraction left, was 243,913: it now is about 387,000, and, at the same ratio, would entitle the state to ten members.

Last week we published a valuable article from a correspondent, on "the meaning of words;" and now give another from the same hand on "the application of principles." We should be glad to see in what manner the force of such plain-sense We mentioned in our paper of the 17th, that remarks can be impaired. Nations and individuals, the population of Ohio would be about 580,000if they expect mutually to prosper, must be "custo- it is returned at 581,434,-in 1810, 230,760, inmers to their customers," as much as possible.- crease in 10 years 350,674. The rank of the states, How can we hope that a man is to pay his debts in regard to population, will probably stand thus: when we assist in denying him the means of paying New-York, Pennsylvania, or Virginia, North Cathem? But our correspondent speaks for himself rolina, Ohio, &c. better than we can do.

FOREIGN NEWS. recent news from Europe, the details of which, so By several arrivals we have far as they are necessary to keep up the chain of events, are inserted under their proper heads.

FLOUR. In our last number, there was published an interesting table of the exports of vegetable and animal food. The amount of flour exported in 1820, is given at 1,777,036 barrels. This is as it It certainly appears that the "holy alliance"-that was in our copy; but many believe that that quan- is, really, Russia, Austria and Prussia, have taken tity was not exported in that year: some think the people of the continent into their "holy" keepthat the amount was only 777,036 instead of ing-and that those of Naples are to be chastised in1,777,031. to a respect for the "divine right of kings," though As it is considered a matter of no little import-a king may happen to be an idiot or a madmanance to ascertain whether a low price of this article royalty cannot do wrong. But the circular of lord will force a foreign market for an increased quan- Castlereagh to the British ministers at foreign tity, any person who can assure us what the amount courts, the British editors think, will bring the holy exported really was, will oblige many thinking alliance to a pause. Britain raised up Bonaparte farmers and manufacturers of flour. to what he was; and she has introduced Alexander to carry on a similar game under new appearances NEW YORK. We now publish the report of a-he is just as ambitious as the other was. joint committee of the legislature of New York, in letter of the king of France to Ferdinand of NaThe relation to the message of the governor in January ples is also inserted-it is said to have produced last, implicating the conduct of sundry individuals the most unpleasant sensations at Paris. Louis is holding offices under the general government. As evidently favorable to the right of the sovereigns in publishing the message we did not give the ac- to interfere: this was to be expected-they imposcompanying documents, those attached to the re-ed him on the French people, and it appears that port are omitted-but in neither case, perhaps, are they necessary to a rightful understanding of the chief matters in controversy.

his sacred life has been attempted! There is a prospect of war, but not of such a one as will relieve the people of the United States of the necessity of looking at home for comfort and securiPOPULATION-1820. In addition to the states ty!!! What a pity, that the Europeans will not go whose population has been ascertained and pub-into a general war just to help our revenue, seeing lished, we now have that of Tennessee. The totals that we have so little dependence on ourselves for are as follows: the means of supporting a free government!!!

In 1820.

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135,543

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287,510

423,053
261,727

Increase in ten years, 161,326 There are 67,894 slaves in West Tennessee. The amount in the eastern district is not stated, but they are not numerous. It was 9,376, in that district, in 1810. The whole number of such persons in the state may be 80,000.

In 1810.
101,267 APPLICATION OF PRINCIPLES. I am often amused
160,460 to see the different opinions about the application
of the same principles to different subjects. I was
261,727 once in conversation with a lawyer about manufac-
tures--he had that day received a large fee from
some mechanics, and was pleased with their libe-
rality they had given him more than he would
have charged. He was dressed extremely well; and I
asked him who are the best customers when they
employ lawyers? None better than mechanics and
merchants. Where did you buy your hat? Phila
shoes, saddles? Philadelphia. And suppose the
delphia. Your clothes? Philadelphia? Your boots,
merchants and mechanics of this place should, at
every court, send for lawyers to come and plead
their causes-how would you like it? Like it, why
I should not like it at all-it would ruin me. I have
been wrong; I will be a customer to my customers.
This is no tale of fancy, and it is true of thousands

The estimate that we made in 1816 of the population that Tennessee would have in 1820, was 458,021; more by 25,000 than the amount has proved to be. The state has gained some by emigra tion, but has also sent out many planters and others to Mississippi and Alabama. The late high price of cotton caused a great press of people to the VOL. XX.-5.

Legislature of New-York.

In assembly, March 15, 1821. Report of the joint committee of the senate and assembly, in relation to the message of the governor of the 18th of January last, implicating the conduct of sundry individuals holding offices under the general government.

The joint committee of the senate and assembly to whom was referred the message of his excellency the governor, of the 18th of January last, with the documents accompanying the same, report:

of all classes and professions, who, without reflec- factures. The same principles have, by genera tion, do what they would not approve on reflection. consent, been for thirty years applied to shipping 1 would thank some lawyer who is opposed to do- and commerce. The time has now come when mestic manufactures, to make out an estimate of the country will demand their universal applithe money paid for fees at the sessions of the su-cation or rejection. The people of the Eastern preme courts of the United States, and the circuit states must reconcile with national policy, the bouncourts of the United States in New-York, Philadel- ties on fish with their hostility to such manufactures phia and Baltimore. Could the clients not afford as they cannot monopolise-the sugar planter must to pay some eminent counsel from London to come shew that it is equal protection to tax imported and argue their causes at these courts? If this was brown sugar sixty-seven dollars a ton and bar iron done, would it be better for those cities to have the fifteen. Equality is equity, conformity is justice. money sent to London for imported lawyers, or to If these truths cannot be impressed on our legisla. remain at home and be expended by domestic law-tors in any other way they can be by this-Let yers? When a lawyer receives ten dollars from a every man in the nation resolve that he will be a shoe-maker for advice, and expends the money for customer to his customers;-not to buy from those a pair of imported boots, he ought to reflect a little who will not buy from him. If a merchant will both on the grounds of justice and interest. He not buy my produce or manufactures, I will not buy ought to be a customer to his customer-and this is his goods. This rule must be forced on individuhis interest; for, if he gives the ten dollars back to als and nations. Europe affords no market for the the shoe-maker, he may receive it again for advice productions of the middle, western or northern from him or somebody else. If it goes abroad no states-we must either learn to do without their American is the better for it. Every man ought to manufactures or compel them to exchange; we look around him and ask, who supports me and my must do so with our own merchants. Our ances family-who are my customers, foreigners or my tors resorted to a non consumption of British Countrymen? No man ought to refuse his custom to goods-we must follow their example, while fo those who give him theirs. The Baltimore mer-reign nations deny us a market. [Communicated, chant, when he is receiving the money of the farmer, mechanic and manufacturer, is bound in justice to take from them what he wants in their line. He can have as much profit in retailing the domestic article as the foreign, and it is his interest to do so-for he thereby enables his customers to deal more largely with him. The merchant who gives a lawyer 100 dollars for a fee, would not be pleased to see him pass his store and expend it at another. Ite would not like to see the mechanic whom he had employed to build and furnish his house, take his money and expend it with one who never employed a mechanic. Merchants complain loudly when they see their old customers going to auc- That the charge contained in the speech of his tions--they even petition congress to prohibit auc- excellency, delivered at the commencement of the tion sales, and I believe that in every twenty mer- session, must, in the opinion of the committee, have chants in Baltimore there are nineteen in favor of been designed to apply to the president of the a duty of ten per cent. on sales at auction. There United States, and to the heads of department at is not a lawyer that would be pleased at seeing Mr. Washington; and to implicate them, as having arScarlett and Mr. Garrow attending at every term, rayed "an organized and disciplined corps" of their and carrying off the fat fees in insurance and prize officers in this state, for the purpose of improperly causes. Ship owners clench their teeth when they "interfering in our elections, and of violating the see a foreign flag in our ports; owners of lots, purity and independence of our local government." houses and stores, clerks, servants, all unite against | Although the accusation is made hypothetically, foreign agents, consignees and auctioneers-and the intent cannot be mistaken; nor is the force of the complaints of all are just. But the lawyer, the it diminished by the ambiguous form in which it is merchant, and owner of real estate, must refect-preferred. If it were possible, however, for any and while they are convinced of the correctness of one to hesitate as to the nature and extent of the their principles and endeavoring to impart that conviction to others, must remember that their principles apply to three classes of society-the farmer, the manufacturer the mechanic. Principles cannot be national that do not apply to all alike. Government cannot be just that will not enforce In this message, no doubt is attempted to be them to all with equal justice. On national grounds, raised: no hypothesis is set forth, for argument or I must call on the merchant to support his consis-dispute; no effort is made to veil the design; the tency and public spirit, in opposing high duties on accusation is positive and unequivocal. It is only manufactures and praying for a prohibition of auc- necessary to refer to that part of the message tion sales. He will be better pleased with himself which relates to the conduct of general Swift, to by joining me in endeavoring to effect both. He remove every lingering seruple. "When," says can look his suffering neighbors in the face with a the governor, "the situation, connexion, education, better countenance, when he feels they are em- and political principles of this officer of the Unit. bodied in a common cause, then when he is con- ed States are considered, there can be no doubt scious that he is asking his government to extend but that he had previously ascertained the sense of to him the benefit of a principle which is denied his political superiors, and that he was instructed to all others. Tho' there has been much agitation to act accordingly.” The allusion to the president in the country about the true principles of political of the United States, and the heads of department, economy, it has been in their application to manu- as the "political superiors" who "instructed" ge.

charge, the last communication of his excellency, with the accompanying documents, transmitted by him, in reply to a resolution of the assembly, an ́l referred to the committee, must convince the most sceptical.

eral Swift to pursue the course which he did, at have been received by the committee, from the e last election, cannot be misunderstood. The individuals whose conduct has been implicated, it marks of his excellency, respecting Messrs. Til-is proper to examine some of the novel positions tson and Southerland, whose "affinity to the pre assumed by the executive, in his message. Until dent of the United States, and to the secretary of his excellency asserted that the officers of the e navy," respectively, is particularly mentioned, United States were "objects of jealousy," and rther establish this position. The crimination of "partially disfranchised," their enjoyment, as citie gentleman presiding over the post office de- zens of the several states, of all rights not expressartment, is also of the most unequivocal charac-ly prohibited, had never been denied to them. er. In reference to the appointment of Mr. Jacob The general government must have officers in the an Ness, postmaster at Poughkeepsie, his excel. several states, and if the elective franchise of the ency observes, "this event actually took place, and the citizens of the states, respectively, is forfeited dicates an understanding and co-operation be- or impaired, by accepting an office under the Unite ween a department, at least, at Washington and a ed States, honorable and competent men would olitical party in this state." The secretary of disdain to make such a sacrifice. The facts, and the tate of the United States designates the newspa- reasoning upon them, by which this doctrine is aters, in the several states, in which the laws of the tempted to be enforced, are by no means satisfacinion are to be published. A change has recently tory. That national officers cannot "sit in congress, been made of one of those papers, and this circum- or in the electoral colleges," is indisputable; these tance is mentioned by the governor to impeach are mandatory provisions of the constitution, and hat officer of the general government. Many ad. the reason of them is both obvious and sound. But itional observations might be specified, but it is does it follow that they are not entitled to the endeemed unnecessary to detail them. joyment of all other privileges, where no restraint The serious nature of this accusation seemed to is imposed? Does it not rather follow, that where strike the community with astonishment; inasmuch, there is a restriction, as to a particular right, the as the existence of any extraneous influence in our legality of exercising every other is, by such exelections, had never been observed by our citizens, ception, confirmed? It is the very essence of our whose watchfulness against all encroachments upon republican system, and the language of our state their rights has been unremitted. Had this denun- constitution, that no man can be disfranchised by ciation of the officers of the general government implication or analogy, nor deprived of his suffrage, been made in any form less solemn and imposing, but by positive enactment; and on any other prin or by an individual, not clothed with the authority ciple is dangerous to our liberties, and, in the opi. of government in a high official station, it would nion of the committee, wholly untenable. The not have met the notice of the legislature. It would observation of his excellency, "that an officer of probably have been considered the mere efferves the general government cannot sit in the state lecence of party animosity; or, perhaps, the invec- gislature," so far as it respects this state, is certaintive of some political zealot, whose "vaulting ain- ly incorrect; and it is not a little surprising, that bition" did not shrink from the idea of severing the this remark should have been made by him, with a bonds of friendship between the general and state a knowledge of the fact, that persons holding offi governments; or, perhaps, it might have been view. ces under the general government, many of whom ed as the refuge of some disappointed intriguer, are his political friends, were, at the time, memwilling to account for the decline of his popularity, bers of both branches of the legislature. If his exin other ways than the true way-a loss of the con- cellency's assertion be correct, how is this inconfidence of the people. But when the chief magis-sistency to be reconciled? Or why is its continutrate of this state, in the performance of his con- ance permitted? Would it not be his peculiar prostitutional duty, announces to the legislature, the vince to notice such an infringement of the conexistence of an "organized and disciplined corps of off-stitution, and to warn the representatives of the cers of the general government," who have interfered in our elections, and, protesting against such interference, calls upon the people "to resist these alarm. ing attempts upon the purity and independence of their local government," these considerations may seem to be irrelevant, if not inadmissible. The subject then becomes too deeply interesting to the people of this state, to be attributed to motives such as have been alluded to; and their representatives would be wanting in their duty to their constituents to disregard it. It was for these reasons, that both branches of the legislature promptly demanded of the executive, the evidence in his possession, to substantiate the allegations which he had made. This evidence has been furnished; but so far from demonstrating the existence of any improper influence, on the part of the general government, in the local concerns of this state, or of any organization of its officers, for corrupt purposes, or of any concert of action among them at our elections, it establishes nothing more, in the opinion of the committee, than that a few individuals, holding offices under the United States, were active at the last election in support of their favorite candidates; and exposes some particular acts and declarations of particular officers.

Before reviewing the various documents which

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people against its predominance? The idea, in the opinion of the committee, is unsound, and cannot be maintained. That some of the states have prohibited officers of the general government from holding seats in their legislature, does not vary the case; this they had a perfect right to do; it is a question of expediency alone. The constituent branches of the legislature of this state have not adopted this policy, considering it illiberal partially to disfranchise a portion of their citizens, selected, for their talents and respectability, to fill the offices of the general government.

The concurrent resolution, passed in March, 1790, which is mentioned in the message, only proves that it was deemed improper, at that period, by the legislatures which adopted it, for a member of congress, or other person holding an office under the United States, to be a member of the senate or assembly of this state. That resolution could only bind the legislature which sanctioned it; its obligatory power did not extend to future legislatures. Had a law been enacted, embracing the same provision, it would, of course, have been operative upon all subsequent legislatures, until their wisdom had dictated its repeal. Our constitution declares, that the senate and assembly shall be the judges of their own members; but it may well be doubted,

Since the year 1792, this objection has not prevailed; and it is an indisputable truth, that since that time, the established usage of the legislature has been to permit national officers to hold seats in both branches; and it is equally true, that, within the same period, his excellency has been a member for several years, and, during a part of the time, was lieutenant governor of the state, and presided over the senate in that capacity.

whether either of the houses can create a qualifica. This discrimination is not easily comprehended tion for a seat therein, not recognized by the con- and would seem to be impracticable. The consti stitution: at any rate, it becomes highly important tution and laws recognize no distinction betwee to our constituents, that the qualifications for hold-citizens who hold offices under the United States ing a seat should be explicitly defined; otherwise, and those who do not, in the mode of exercising the they may be unexpectedly deprived of their repre-elective franchise. If they have the right to vote a sentatives, to their great inconvenience and preju- our elections, may they not also express their op dice. nions of the conduct of public men, and offer tin reasons which induce them to prefer one candidate to another? This right, the executive declares in his message, is possessed by every citizen; and claim the benefit of it himself. And it may further be asked, have they not the same right which other citizens enjoy, of inducing their companions neighbors, and friends, to co-operate with them in all honorable measures to promote the general welfare? Or, are they merely to be permitted to The general reasoning which is urged to show the deposite their ballots into the boxes, and then to impropriety of national officers holding seats in the retire? This would be a proscription, unjust as state legislatures, would apply with equal force to well as unconstitutional; abridging the freedom of prohibit officers of the state governments from hold-action and of speech, and introducing distinctions ing seats in congress. This exclusion, however, has between our citizens repugnant to our republican never been contended for; and the common practice character. Is it possible to separate the influence of this and of other states has been, to elect state which an individual would possess, if he were not officers to the national legislature. Several mem-a national officer, from that which he possesses as bers of the last congress, from this state, held pro- such, in any sensible manuer, so as to allow him to minent offices at the time of their election. Whe- exercise his whole influence at the state elections ther the officers of the United States ought or in the first character, and excluding all which apought not to hold seats in the state legislature, is pertains to him in the other capacity? Certainly not the important question-but whether, by ac- not; such a discrimination is theoretical and fanci cepting such offices, they forfeit any right which ful, not practicable. they before enjoyed as citizens of the states re- There is no alternative, but to refuse to the spectively. The most suspicious states have gone officers of the general government all participa no further than to debar national officers from sit- tion in the elective franchise, or to sanction to ting in the legislature; no restriction has ever been them its full, free, and unrestricted exercise, in imposed upon their right of suffrage. Wholly to equal degree with other citizens. It will not be deny them this right, would be palpably unconsti- pretended, that this state could constitutionally tutional. It is the most sacred prerogative inherit-pass a law restraining officers of the United States ed from our forefathers; and we must indignantly from the enjoyment of this privilege; neither has repel any attempt to impair it. No matter from the general government the power to control them what source it emanates; no matter how exalted in this particular, or to prescribe the course which its author, nor how lofty his pretensions to patriot- they are to pursue, in reference to state elections. ism, we could not hesitate to pronounce it the off This idea will be clearly illustrated by a single spring of a heart inimical to the liberty, the pros-example: Suppose that, immediately preceding the perity, and the perpetuity of the republic. The organization of the officers of the general government with views hostile to state independence and sovereignty, must also be deprecated, as an unwarrantable procedure, meriting the most serious reprehension. Against such an influence, we should unitedly protest; and when necessity required, assume the responsibility of resisting its unhallowed intrusion. But to exercise their right of suffrage does not evince such an organization of the officers of the United States; nor is the indiscreet zeal of some of them to be urged as a proof of its existence. Individuals may be violent, without being organized to subvert the foundations of state sovereignty; and such an indiscretion becomes the strongest evidence that no such organization exists. The approach of despotism is not by boisterous invectives or deep-toned recriminations, but by silent and insidious advances-undermining first, then prostrating; and if the general government had organized their officers to war against this state or any individual of it, the means would not have been employed, which have been indicated as the evidence of such design. His excellency observes that the elective franchise should be exercised by national officers "in the genuine spirit of republicanism; that the suffrages of the citizens should not be biassed by the emoluments and honors of the of ficer, and that he should not carry into the elections any of the influence derived from his official position."

last election, the general government had issued an order prohibiting their officers from intefering on that occasion, upon pain of removal; or, merely permitting them to give in their silent votes. Whe would not have pronounced such a measure a vio lation of their rights as citizens of this state? Who would not have been foremost to denounce them for this "unwarrantable obtrusion of extraneous influence in the local concerns of the state?" Such conduct would have merited and would have met with the indignation of every friend to liberty. With what propriety, then, has the executive demanded the interposition of the national legislature, and insinuated that they were regardless of the duty upon this subject? Any interfence on the part of the general government, either to restrict or instruct their officers, would be equally unconstitutional and unjust. After the most deliberate reflection, the committee are of opinion, that the officers of the general government are not in a state of disfranchisement; but that their rights, as citizens of the respective states, are neither for feited nor diminished, so far as relates to the local concerns of each state.

The committee will now review the exculpatory documents transmitted to them; premising, that all the evidence furnished by the executive bas been procured since his accusation was preferred: thus admitting, that he was not at that time in pos session of a single fact to justify his denunciation

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