« ForrigeFortsett »
ported (with her cargo) 10 miles by land to the Roman gladiators. Let a council of war be subConnusaga, thence to and down the Eastonulla, moned to try these two officers, with all the imparthrough the Coosa into the Alabama river--a dis- tiality which I demand from every judge, and lety tance of near 1000 miles from the interior." the most culpable of the two be made an example,
Damages. We understand that fifteen hundred by the rigor of the law. I am resolved tha: ibis dollars damages were yesterday awarded in the barbarous custom, which is worthy of the age of case of a colored man (Jewett) who was barbarous- Tamerlane and Bajazet, and which is so often fatal ly whipped about two years since in one of our to the peace of families, shall be punished and sup. forts. It will be recollected that eight hundred pressed, though it should cost me half my officers. dollars damages were given in the lower court in There will be still left men who can unite bravery the same case, from which award the defendant, with the duties of faithful subjects, I wish for (col. Eustis), then appealed. [Boston Par.
none who do not respect the laws of the country. Auburn state prison, N. Y. There were 213 cri. Vienna, August, 1774. minals in this prison on the 31st Dec. last, variously Tonacco. We have a statement of the delive. employed. During the year they several times at- ries of tobacco from the London and Liverpool tempted to set fire to the buildings, and once suc- warehouses, in 1820. At London, 3,983 bhas. were ceeded, for which three of them are to be tried. delivered out for consumption, 6,079 for export, The arrangements of this establishment appear to and 108 for the navy. At Liverpool, 3,914 were be excellently well calculated to answer its pur delivered for home consumption, 814 for transpurt poses.
to Ireland, and 4,228 for export. New York. An act has passed the legislature of The following is an estimate of the annual con. New-York, authorizing the suffrages of the people sumption and present stock of American tobacco, of the state to be taken on the question of the ex-l in Europe, contained in a circular from Mr. James pediency of calling a convention.
Hagarty, of LiverpoolPennsylvania. It is announced that the se.
Consumption. Stock. nate of this state has “passed a bill, entitled “An Britain
10,500 25,750 act for the improvement of the slute," by as great Ireland
3,500 2,100 a proportionate majority in that body, as it passed Hamburg
1,500 1,200 the house of representatives. The appropriations Bremen
7,500 3,065 exceed $800,000 besides a guarantee to pay six Holland
24,000 21,000 per cent. interest per annum on 450,000, dollars Flanders
2,000 1,800 tor twenty-five years, as an encouragement to Spain and Gibraltar
6,500 3,500 new subscribers to the stock of the Schuylkill and France
7,100 7,500€ Susquebannah canal company, making a grand to- All others parts of Europe 2,000 1,500 tal for the construction and improvement of roads and canals equal to 1,250,000 dollars! A happy pre
64,500 67,4157 suge of prosperity to be derived from the enligh. The circular goes on to shew that the stock on tened measures of government.”
hand, which is equal to the present year's whole conSavunnah.' The population of this city is 7,523; sumption, has accumulated in six years, for that in of whom 3,866 are white persons, 582 free people 1814 there was very little unconsumed American of color and 3,075 slaves. Of the whites 590 are tobacco in Europe, and states the moral certainty engaged in commerce, and 544 in manufactures, of a decline in price, unless the cultivation of the mechanics, &c. There are 190 foreigners not na article is restrained, as there is no prospect of inturalized.
creasing the consumption. The writer says he has Alabama. List of the house of representatives of "looked thirty years back into the operations of the state of Alabama: Virginians, 18; South Caro. this article," and it does not appear that the con. linians, 13; Georgians, 8; N. Carolinians 7, Penn. sumption bas ever exceeded 70,000 hhds. and he sylvanian, 1; Marylanders, 2; Tennesseans, 2; and believes that it does now reach 65,000-which he 1 Alabamian,
attributes either to a disuse of the article, or its DUELLING. The following letter against duelling, increased growth in Europe, which was written by Joseph, late emperor of Ger. Washington, March 17. We understand that the many, has just found its way to the world, in a following gentlemen were appointed navy agents work published at Leipsic, entitled. "A collection on the 3d inst. by the president of the United of unpublished letters of Joseph II." -Nat. Gaz.
States, by and with the advice and consent of the "General--I desire you to arrest count K- serate, at the respective places mentioned: and captain W- --- immediately. The count is
Amos Binney, for the port of Boston. of an imperious character, proud of his birth, and
Constant Taber do Newport, R.I. full of false ideas of honor. Captain W. who
Joseph Hull do Middletown, Ct. old soldier, thinks of settling every thing by the George Harrison do Philadelphia sword or the pistol. He has done wrong to accept James Beatty
do Baltimore a challenge from the young count. I will not sut. John Randall do Annapolis. fer the practice of duelling in my army; and I de. Note. These gentlemen were previously in of. spise the arguments of those who seek to justify fice, but a law of the first session of the sixteenth it. I have a high esteem for officers who expose congress, limiting the term of office, their appointthetuselves courageously to the enemy, and who, ments had expired-hence new appointments were ou all occasions, show themselves intrepid, valiant, necessary. and determined in attack as well as in defence. The indiference with which they face death is *Of the stock in France, 4,500 hhds. are in the honorable to themselves and useful to their coun. hands of the Regie. try; but there are men ready to sacrifice every fThe above stock consists of about 35,000 hhds. thing to a spirit of revenge and hatred. I despise Virginia; 15,000 do. Maryland; 17,000 dó. Kentuc. thems, such men, in my opinion, are worse than the lky, &c.
PRINTED BY WILLIAM OGDEX NILES, AT THE FRANKLIN PRESS, WATER-STREET, EAST OF SOUT H.STUSNR.
NAW SERIES. No.5—Vol. VIII.] BALTIMORE, MARCH 31, 1821. [No. 5-Vol. XX. WHOLE No. 499
THE PASTTBE PRESENTS FOR THE YUTURE.
EDITED AND PUBLISHED BI 8. VILES, AT 35 PER ANNUN, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE,
O Mechanical convenience, as well as a press south. Cotton is raised in some parts of Tennes. of matter at a late period of the week, has exclud- see, but the crop is less certain, we are told, than ed a continuation of our «free remarks.”
The federal number of Tennessee in 1810, which Last week we published a valuable article gave her six representatives in congress and a from a correspondent, on the meaning of words;" large fraction left, was 243,913: it now is about and now give another from the same hand on the 387,000, and, at the same ratio, would entitle the application of principles." We should be glad to state to len members. see in what manner the force of such plain-sense We mentioned in our paper of the 17th, that remarks can be impaired. Nations and individuals, the population of Ohio would be about 580,000if they expect mutually to prosper, must be "custo- it is returned at 581,434,-in 1810, 230,760, in. mers to their customers," as much as possible.-crease in 10 years 350,674. The rank of the states, How can we hope that a man is to pay his debts in regard to population, will probably stand thus: when we assist in denying him the means of paying, New-York, Pennsylvania, or Virginia, North Cathem? But our correspondent speaks for himself rolina, Ohio, &c. better than we can do.
FOREIGN NEWS. By several arrivals we have FLOUR. In oor last number, there was publish- recent news from Europe, the details of which, so ed an interesting table of the exports of vegetable far as they are necessary to keep up the chain of and animal food. The amount of flour exported in events, are inserted under their proper heads. 1820, is given at 1,777,036 barrels. This is as it It certainly appears that the wholy alliance”-that was in our copy; but many believe that that quan- is, really, Russia, Austria and Prussia, have taken tity was not exported in that year: some think the people of the continent into their "holy” keepthat the amount was only 777,036 instead of ing—and that those of Naples are to be chastised in. 1,777,031.
to a respect for the divine right of kings,” though As it is considered a matter of no little import. a king may happen to be an idiot or a madmanance to ascertain whether a low price of this article royalty cannot do wrong. But the circular of lord will force a foreign market for an increased quan. Castlereagh to the British ministers at foreign tity, any person who can assure us what the amount courts, the British editors think, will bring the holy exported really was, will oblige many thinking alliance to a pause. Britain raised up Bonaparte farmers and manufacturers of four.
to what he was; and she has introduced Alexander
to carry on a similar game under new appearances New YORK. We now publish the report of al-he is just as ambitious as the other was. The joint committee of the legislature of New York, in letter of the king of France to Ferdinand of Na. relation to the message of the governor in January ples is also inserted—it is said to have produced last, implicating the conduct of sundry individuals the most unpleasant sensations at Paris. Louis is holding offices under the general government. As evidently favorable to the right of the sovereigns in publishing the message we did not give the ac. to interfere: this was to be expected-they imposcompanying documents, those attached to the re-ed him on the French people, and it appears that port are omitted—but in neither case, perhaps, are his sacred life has been attempted! There is a they necessary to a rightful understanding of the prospect of war, but not of such a one as will chief matters in controversy.
relieve the people of the United States of the ne-'
cessity of looking at home for comfort and securi. POPULATION-1820. In addition to the states ty!!! What a pity, that the Europeans will not go whose population has been ascertained and pub. into a general war just to help our revenue, seeing lished, we now have that of Tennessee. The totals that we have so little dependence on ourselves for are as follows:
the means of supporting a free government!!!
In 1820. In 1810. East Tennessee
135,543 101,267 APPLICATION OF PRINCIPLES. I am often amused West Tennessee
287,510 160,460 to see the different opinions about the application
of the same principles to different subjects. I was 423,053 261,727 once in conversation with a lawyer about manufac261,727
tures--he had that day received a large fee from
some mechanics, and was pleased with their libeIncrease in ten years, 161,326
rality - they had given him more than he would There are 67,894 slaves in West Tennessee. The bave charged. He was dressed extremely well; and I amount in the eastern district is not stated, but they asked him who are the best customers when they are not numerous. It was 9,376, in that district, in employ lawyers? None better than mechanics and 1810. The whole number of such persons in the merchants. Where did you buy your hat? Philastate may be 80,000.
delphia. Your clothes? Philadelphia! Your boots, The estimate that we made in 1816 of the popu. shoes, saddles? Philadelphia. And suppose the łation that Tennessee would have in 1820, was merchants and mechanics of this place should, at 458,021; more by 25,000 than the amount has prov. every court, send for lawyers to come and plearl ed to be. The state has gained some by emigral their causes-bow would you like it? Like it, why tion, but has also sent out many planters and others I should not like it at all-it would ruinine. 11.ave to Mississippi and Alabama. The late high price been wrong; I will be a customer to my customers. of cotton caused a great press of people to the 'This is so tale of fancy, and it is true of thousands
of all classes and professions, who, without reflec- factures. The same principles have, by genera tiov, do what they would not approve on reflection. consent, been for thirty years applied to shipping I would thank some lawyer who is opposed to do and commerce. The time has now come when mestic manufactures, to make out an estimate of the country will demand their universal appli. the money paid for fees at the sessions of the sucation or rejection. The people of the Eastern preme courts of the United States, and the circuit states inust reconcile with natioval policy, the bouncourts of the United States in New York, Philadel- ties on fish with their hostility to such manufactures
hia and Baltimore. Could the clients not afford as they cannot monopolise--the sugar planter must to pay some eminent counsel from London to come shew that it is equal protection to tax imported and argue their causes at these courts? If this was brown sugar sixty-seven dollars a ton and bar iron done, would it be better for those cities to have the fifteen. Equality is equity, conformity is justice. money sent to London for imported lawyers, or lo If these truths cannot be impressed on our legisla. remain at home and be expended by domestic law.tors in any othep way they can be by this-Let yers? When a lawyer receives ten dollars from a every man in the nation resolve that he will be a shoe-maker for advice, and expends the money for customer to his customers;--not to buy from those a pair of imported boots, he ought to reflect a little who will not buy from him. If a merchant will both on the grounds of justice and interest. He not buy my produce or manufactures, I will not buy ought to be a customer to his customer-and this is his goods. This rule must be forced on individuhis interest; for, if he gives the teu dollurs back to als and nations. Europe asfords no market for the the shoe-maker, he may receive it again for advice productions of the middle, western or northern from him or somebody else. If it goes abroad no states-we must either learn to do without their American is the better for it. Every man ought to manufactures or compel them to exchange; we look around him and ask, who supports me and my must do so with our own merchants. Our anres. family--who are my customers, foreigners or my tors resorted to a non consumption of Britiske countrymen? No nian ought to refuse his custom to goods—we must follow their example, while fo those who give him theirs. The Baltimore mer. reign nations deny us a market. [Communicated. chant, when he is receiving the money of the farmer, mechanic and manufacturer, is bound in jus. tice to take from them what he wants in their line. Legislature of New York. He can bave as much profit in retailing the domes.
In assembly, March 15, 1821. tic article as the foreign, and it is bis interest to do Report of the joint committee of the senate and 50-- for he thereby enables his customers to deal assembly, in relation to the message of the gomore largely with him. The merchant who gives vemor of the 18th of Jamuary last, implicating a lawyer 100 dollars for a fee, would not be pleased the conduct of sundry individuals bolding offices to see him pass his store and expend it at another. under the general government, lle would not like to see the mechanic whom he The joint committee of the senate and assembly to had employed to build and furnish his house, take whom was referred the message of his excellency his money and expend it with one who never em- the governor, of the 18th of January last, with ployed a mechanic. Merchants complain loudly the documents accompanying the same, report: when they see their old customers going to auc. That the charge contained in the speech of his tions -- they even petition congress to probibit auc. exceilency, delivered at the commencement of the tion sales, and I believ. that in every twenty mero session, must, in the opinion of the committee, have chants in Baltimore there are nineteen in favor of been designed to apply to the president of the a duty of ten per cent. on sales at auction. There United States, and to the heads of department at is not a lawyer that would be pleased at seeing Mr. Washington; and to implicate them, as having ar. Scarlett and Mr. Gurrow attending at every term, rave an organized and disciplined corps" of their and carrying of the fat fees in insurance and prize officers in this state, for the purpose of improperly
Ship owners clench their teeth when they "interfering in our elections, and of violating the see a foreign fag in our ports; owners of lots, purity and independence of our local government." houses and stores, clerks, servants, all unite against | Although the accusation is made hypothetically, foreign agents, consignees and auctioneers—and the intent cannot be mistaken; nor is the force of the complaints of all are just. But the lawyer, the it diminished by the ambiguous form in which it is merchant, and owner of real estate, must reflect-preferred. If it were possible, however, for any and while they are convinced of the correctness of one to hesitate as to the nature and extent of the their principles and endeavoring to impart that charge, the last communication of his excellency, conviction to others, must remeinber that their with the accompanying documents, transmitted by principles apply to three classes of society--the him, in reply to a resolution of the assembly, an I farmer, the manufacturer the mechanic. Princi- referred to the committee, must convince the most poles cannot be national that do not apply to all alike. sceptical. Government cannot be just tirat will noi enforce In this message, no doubt is attempted to be them to all with equai justice. On national grounds, raised: no hypothesis is set forth, for argument or Imist cait on the merchant to support his consis. dispute; no effort is made to veil the design; the iency and public spirit, in opposing high duties on accusation is positive and unequivocal. It is only manufactures and praying for a proliibition of auc necessary to refer to that part of the message tion sales. He will be better pleased with himself which relates to the conduct of general Swift, to by joining me in endeavoring to effect bo:h. He remove every lingering seruple. “When,” says can look his suffering neighbors in the face with a the governor, the situation, connexion, education, belter countenance, when he feels they are em. and political principles of this officer of the Unit. bodied in a common cause, then when he is con. ed States are considered, there can be no doubt scious that he is asking his government to extend but that he had previously ascertained the sense of to him the benefit of a principle which is denied bis political superiors, and that he was instructed to all others. Tho'there has been much agitation to act accordingly.” The allusion to the president in the country about the true principles of political of the United States, and the heads of department, economy, it has been in their application to manu. as the “political superiors" who asinstructed” ge.
heral Swift to pursue the course which he did, at have been received by ihe committet, from the the last election, cannot be misunderstood. The individuals whose conduct has been implicated, it remarks of his excellency, respecting Messrs. Til. is proper to examine some of the novel positions lotson and Southerland, whose "affinity to the prea assumed by the executive, in his message. Until sident of the United States, and to the secretary of his excellency asserted that the officers of the the navy,” respectively, is particularly mentioned, United States were “objects of jealousy,” and further establish this position. The crimination of partially disfranchised,” their enjoyment, as citi. the gentleman presiding over the post office de zens of the several states, of all rights not express. partment, is also of the most unequivocal charac. I ly prohibited, had never been denied to them. ter. In reference to the appointment of Mr. Jacob | The general government must have officers in the Van Ness, postmaster at Poughkeepsie, his excel. several states, and if the elective franchise of the lepey observes, “this event actually took place, and the citizens of the states, respectively, is forfeited indicates an understanding and co-operation be. or impaired, by accepting an office under the Unit.' tween a department, at least, at Washington and a ed States, honorable and competent men would political party in this state.” The secretary of disdain to make such a sacrifice. The facts, and the state of the United States designates the newspa- reasoning upon them, by which this doctrine is at. pers, in the several states, in which the laws of the tempted to be enforced, are by no means satisfacunion are to be published. A change has recently tory. That national officers cannot "sit in congress, been made of one of those papers, and this circum. or in the electoral colleges,” is iudisputable; these stance is mentioned by the governor to impeach are mandatory provisions of the constitution, and that officer of the general government. Many ad. the reason of them is both obvious and sound. But ditional observations might be specified, but it is does it follow that they are not entitled to the en. deemed unnecessary to detail them.
joyment of all other privileges, where no restraint The serious nature of this accusation seemed to is imposed? Does it not rather follow, that where strike the community with astonishment; inasmuch, there is a restriction, as to a particular right, the as the existence of any extraneous influence in our legality of exercising every other is, by such exelections, had never been observed by our citizens, ception, confirmed? It is the very essence of our whose watchfulness against all encroachments upon republican system, and the language of our state their rights has been unremitted. Had this denun. constitution, that no man can be disfranchised by ciation of the officers of the general government implication or analogy, nor deprived of his suffrage, been made in any form less solemn and imposing, but by positive enactment; and on any other prin. or by an individual, not clothed with the authority ciple is dangerous to our liberties, and, in the opi. of government in a high official station, it would nion of the committee, wholly untenable. The not have met the notice of the legislature. It would observation of his excellency, “that an officer of probably have been considered the mere ellerves the general government cannot sit in the state le. cence of party animosity; or, perhaps, the invec. gislature,” so far as it respects this state, is certain. tive of some political zealot, whose "vaulting an- ly incorrect; and it is not a little surprising, that bition" did not shrink from the idea of severing the this remark should have been made by him, with a bonds of friendship between the general and state a knowledge of the fact, that persons holding offi. governments; or, perhaps, it might have been view. ces under the general government, many of whom ed as the refuge of some disappointed intriguer, are his political friends, were, at the time, memwilling to account for the decline of his popularity, bers of both branches of the legislature. If his exin other ways than the true way-a loss of the concellency's assertion be correct, how is this incon. fidence of the people. But when the chief magis- sistency to be reconciled? Or why is its continu. trate of this state, in the performance of his con. ance permitted? Would it not be his peculiar pro. stitutional duty, announces to the legislature, the vince to notice such an intringement of the conexistence of an organized and disciplined corps of offi- stitution, and to warn the representatives of the ces of the general government," whio have interfered people against its predominance? The idea, in the in our elections, and, protesting against such inter- opinion of the committee, is unsound, and cannot ference, calls upon the people to resist these alarm. be maintained. That some of the states have pro. ing atteinpis upon the purity and independence of their hibited officers of the general government from iscal government," these considerations may seem holding seats in their legislature, does not vary the to be irrelevant, if not inadmissible. The subject case; this they had a perfect right to do; it is a then becomes too deeply interesting to the people question of expediency alone. The constituent of this state, to be attributed to motives such as branches of the legislature of this state have not have been alluded to; and their representatives adopted this policy, considering it illiberal partially would be wanting in their duty to their constituents to disfranchise a portion of their citizens, selected, to disregard it. It was for these reasons, that both for their talents and respectability, to fill the offices branches of the legislature promptly demanded of of the general government. the executive, the evidence in his possession, bo The concurrent resolution, passed in March, 1790, substantiate the allegations which he had made. wbich is mentioned in the message, only proves This evidence has been furnished; but so far from that it was deemed improper, at ihat period, by the demonstrating the existence of any improper in. legislatures which adopted it, for a member of confuence, on the part of the general government, in gress, or other person holding an office under the the local concerns of this state, or of any organi: United States, to be a member of the senate or aszation of its officers, for corrupt purposes, or of sembly of this state. That resolution could only any concert of action among them at our elections, bind the legislature which sanctioned i its obligait establishes nothing more, in the opinion of the tory power did not extend to future legislatures, committee, than that a few individuals, biolding Had a law been enacted, embracing the same pro. offices under the United States, were active at the vision, it would, of course, have been operative up. Vast election in support of their favorite candidates; on all subsequent legislatures, until their wisilom and exposes some particular acts and declarations lad dictated its repeal. Our constitution declares, of particular officers.
that the senate and assembly shall be the judges Before reviewing the various documents which of their own members; but it may well be doubted,
whether either of the houses can create a qualifica-, This discrimination is not easily comprehended tion for a seat therein, not recognized by the con- and would seem to be impracticable. The consti stitution: at any rate, it becomes highly important tution and laws recognize no distinction betweel to our constituents, that the qualifications for hold citizens who hold offices under the United States ing a seat should be explicitly defined; otherwise, and those who do not, in the mode of exercising tha they may be unexpectedly deprived of their repre. elective franchise. If they have the right to vote a sentatives, to their great inconvenience and preju- our elections, may they not also express their opi dice.
nions of the conduct of public men, and offer tin Since the year 1792, this objection has not pre- reasons which induce them to prefer one candidat vailed; and it is an indisputable truth, that since to another? This right, the executive declares in his that time, the established usage of the legislature message, is possessed by every citizen; and claim has been to permit national officers to hold seats in the benefit of it himself. And it may further bz both branches; and it is equally true, that, within asked, have they not the same right which other the same period, his excellency has been a member citizens enjoy, of inducing their companions for several years, and, during a part of the time, neighbors, and friends, to co-operate with them, was lieutenant governor of the state, and presided in all honorable measures to promote the general over the senate in that capacity.
welfare? Or, are they merely to be permitted to The general reasoning which is urged to show the deposite their ballots into the boxes, and then to impropriety of national officers holding seats in the retire? This would be a proscription, unjust as state legislatures, would apply with equal force to well as unconswitutional; abridging the freedom of prohibit officers of the state governments from hold. action and of speech, and introducing distinctions ing seats in congress. This exclusion, however, has between our citizens repugnant to our republicar never been contended for; and the common practice character. Is it possible to separate the influence of this and of other states has been, to elect state which an individual would possess, if he were not officers to the national legislature. Several memo a national officer, from that which he possesses as bers of the last congress, from this state, held pro- such, in any sensible manner, so as to allow him to minent offices at the time of their election. Whe-exercise his whole influence at the state elections ther the officers of the United States ought or in the first character, and excluding all which ap. ought not to hold seats in the state legislature, is pertains to him in the other capacity? Certainly not the important question--but whether, by ac. not; such a discrimination is theoretical and fanci. cepting such offices, they forfeit any right which ful, not practicable. they before enjoyed as citizens of the states re- There is no alternative, but to refuse to the spectively. The most suspicious states have gone officers of the general government all participa. no further than to debar national officers from sit. tion in the elective franchise, or to sanction to ting in the legislature; no restriction has ever been them its full, free, and unrestricted exercise, in imposed upon their right of suffrage. Wholly to equal degree with other citizens. It will not be deny them this right, would be palpably unconsti- pretended, that this state could constitutionally tutional. It is the most sacred prerogative inherit- pass a law restraining officers of the United States ed from our forefathers; and we must indignantly from the enjoyment of this privilege; neither has repel any attempt to impair it. No matter from the general government the power to control them what source it emanates; no matter how exalted in this particular, or to prescribe the course which its author, nor how lofty his pretensions to patriot. they are to pursue, in reference to state elections. ism, we could not hesitate to pronounce it the off | This idea will be clearly illustrated by a single spring of a heart inimical to the liberty, the pros- example: Suppose that, immediately preceding the perity, and the perpetuity of the republic. The last election, the general government had issued organization of the officers of the general govern. an order probibiting their officers from intefering ment with views hostile to state independence and on that occasion, upon pain of removal; or, merely sovereignty, must also be deprecated, as an un. permitting theň to give in their silent votes. Wha warrantable procedure, meriting the most serious would not have pronounced such a measure a vios reprehension. Against such an influence, we should lation of their rights as citizens of this state? Who unitedly protest; and when necessity required, as. would not have been foremost to denounce then sume the responsibility of resisting its unhallowed for this “unwarrantable obtrusion of extraneous intrusion. But to exercise their right of suffrage influence in the local concerns of the state.?" Suck does not evince such an organization of the officers conduct would have merited and would have met of the United States; nor is the indiscreet zeal of with the indignation of every friend to liberty, some of them to be urged as a proof of its exist. With what propriety, then, has the executive de ence. Individuals may be violent, without being manded the interposition of the national legislature, organized to subvert the foundations of state sove and insinuated that they were regardless of the reignty; and such an indiscretion becomes the duty upon this subject? Any interfence on the strongest evidence that no such organization exists. part of the general government, either to restrict The approach of despotism is not by boisterous or instruct their officers, would be equally unconinvectives or deep-toned recriminations, but by stitutional and unjust. After the most deliberate silent and insidious advances-undermining first, reflection, the committee are of opinion, that the then prostrating; and if the general government officers of the general government are not in a had organized their officers to war against this state of disfranchisement; but that their rights, as state or any individual of it, the means would not citizens of the respective states, are neither forhave been employed, which have been indicated feited nor diminished, so far as relates to the local as the evidence of such design. His excellency concerns of each state. observes that the elective franchise should be ex. The committee will now review the exculpatory ercised by national officers "in the genuine spirit of documents transmitted to them; premising, that republicanism; that the suffrages of the citizens should all the evidence furnished by the executive has not be biassed by the emoluments and honors of the of- been procured since his accusation was preferred ficer, and that he should not carry into the elections thus admitting, that he was not at that time in posany of the influence derived from his oficial position."| session of a single fact to justify his denunciation