Amendment went too far; and while demanding more substantial guarantees than those proposed by the Committee, he did not insist on the Amendment being referred to that body. The Left committed a mistake in not recognising M. de Cumont's comparative Liberalism, instead of interrupting him with incessant clamour. This attitude induced all the Right to support the Amendment; and M. Desjardins, Secretary-General of the Department of Public Instruction, inspired by this feeling on their part, ascended the Tribune and advocated the reference of it to the Committee. After two indecisive divisions by rising and sitting, the ballot was taken, and the Amendment was referred to the Committee by 350 to 325.

This decision removed from the Bill the last trace of a Liberal tendency; and it may be inferred that if the measure is reconsidered by a fuller House, it will encounter the defeat which has been predicted for it. The interesting feature of the discussion was the changed attitude imposed on M. Laboulaye, the Reporter on the Bill, who had hitherto defended it, amid the applause of the Left, advocating a Liberal principle against the Right. The reference of the Amendment to the Committee delayed the resumption of the discussion on the Bill.

On the 11th the National Assembly passed, with the acquiescence of the Government, the first reading of a Bill proposed by M. de Pressensé, the well-known Protestant Minister, and several of his colleagues, relating to the right of meeting for the celebration of religious worship. After M. Giraud, a member of the Extreme Right, had spoken against the measure, dwelling on the numerous excesses which had been committed in religious meetings and the danger which the non-intervention of the State presented to morality, M. de Pressensé made an eloquent speech in support of it. Recalling the Revolution of 1789, he said that it committed a great fault in organising the Civil Constitution of the Clergy; but when the question was brought before the Constituante the right of worship was granted to all religious sects. In 1792 the Constituante recognised every religious sect, and even consecrated the separation of Church and State; and immediately public worship organised itself in 32,000 parishes. After tracing the fate of French religious sects down to the Revolution of 1848, the Coup d'Etat, and the Empire, which re-established the authority of the State over the Church, he declared that liberty of worship did not exist in France as it was understood by Berryer, Montalembert, and the present Duc de Broglie's father. He observed that a very great struggle had now begun in Europe between the State and religious conscience, and that this terrible conflict existed not only in Monarchical, but also in Democratical In concluding, he energetically protested against the intrusion of the State in matters of conscience, and declared that all those who, like himself, did not belong to a religion which was being at this very moment persecuted by a mighty State, were the

century ago pulled down the Throne of July, and summoned the masses of Paris to arms against order and property, were finally dispelled by the exhibition of feebleness which the old revolutionary leader gave last summer when he appeared once more in the Tribune of the National Assembly. It is difficult to understand or explain the influence which M. Ledru-Rollin wielded in 1848. Manifestly he despised and turned away from the practical side of politics; his political style was extremely thin in substance, and his rhetorical graces were of the tawdry sort which positively repel Englishmen. He lived upon the tradition of his oratorical powers, and this source of authority he destroyed when he attempted to renew the magical potency of his eloquence, and to bring under his control a generation that had grown up while he was vegetating in exile, and calumniating the country that protected him. His speech some months ago in defence of universal suffrage and in favour of an immediate dissolution was certainly delivered before an unsympathetic audience; yet the curiosity of Frenchmen overpowered the dislike of the majority, and moved them to give a hearing to opinions which they detested. M. Ledru-Rollin had still been the orator that had encountered Berryer, not altogether unequally, in the National Assembly of 1848, he would have held his hearers in bonds in spite of the repulsive nature of his doctrines. But a firebrand that will not even glow is intolerable. Men forgot to pronounce any judgment on M. Ledru-Rollin's argument in amazement at discovering that he was dull. This is the unpardonable sin with Frenchmen; and M. Ledru-Rollin at once descended from the pedestal of his traditional authority to the obscurity in which he had lived for more than twenty years. Though this exposure of the flimsy character of M. Ledru-Rollin's claims to the leadership of the Republican party relieved M. Gambetta and the more statesman. like Radicals of the present day from some uneasiness, his name was still dangerously potent with the turbulent classes, and his extravagant doctrines threw discredit on the politicians who could not rid themselves of his alliance. His death marks the decline of the old school of Republican purism, which has done so much mischief to France and to the imitators of France all over the world."

If

CHAPTER III.

GERMANY.

Prince Bismarck-Elections to Reichstag-Debate on General La Marmora's bookBismarck and the Ultramontanes-Measures against recusant Bishops-Supplementary Church Bills-Meeting of Reichstag-Army Bill-Speech of Count von Moltke-Debates on Alsace-Lorraine-Army Bill passed--Prorogation of Reichstag -Death of Deputy Mallinckrodt-Attempt on Prince Bismarck's life at Kissingen— Trial of Kullmann-Ecclesiastical prosecutions and contests-Xions: Father Schneider, &c.-Bishop Ketteler and the Sedan anniversary-Bishop Martin of Paderborn-Conversion to Romanism of Queen Dowager of Bavaria-Summary of incarcerations and ejectments under the Falck Laws-Bismarck's Spanish policyReassembling of Diet-Emperor's Speech-Landsturm and Bank Bills-AlsaceLorraine-Parliamentary skirmish of Dec. 4-Bismarck's speech on the Vatican —Arrest and trial of Count Arnim-Momentary resignation of Prince Bismarck— His general popularity-Plot against his life.

THE political history of the German Empire this year is to a remarkable degree identical with the personal history of the great statesman who guided her destinies. The war of Bismarck against the Papacy was the key to all the prominent transactions of the time; and his marked individuality of character brought the Chancellor's words and deeds to the front with curious pertinacity; while in other matters also, affecting the interests of the Empire, he contrived to make himself scarcely less conspicuous.

The elections to the Imperial Diet, which were pending when the year commenced, resulted in some disappointment to the Chancellor and his supporters. The high-handed policy towards the Ultramontanes which the Falck Laws had set on foot, alienated the "Social Democrats," whose numbers, trifling in themselves, contributed along with the "Particularists," the Poles and Danes, and some individual Radicals, and so called "Savages" ("Wilden") or Deputies unattached, to swell the ranks of the opponents of the Government, even although the real basis of the opposition was one for which Radicals and Socialists could feel little sympathy. The Centrum Partei itself, or Ultramontane section, had increased from sixty-two members to about 100. Altogether the opposition forces might, it was thought, be reckoned at about 170 as against 400 Government supporters. Of other special parties among which the German politicians were distributed, it was remarked that the "National Liberals" had risen from 116 to 150 members; that the "Party of Progress" (Fortschitts Partei) had gained four new members; that the Poles remained at their former numbers; that the "Conservatives" and "Free Conservatives"

century ago pulled down the Throne of July, and summoned the masses of Paris to arms against order and property, were finally dispelled by the exhibition of feebleness which the old revolutionary leader gave last summer when he appeared once more in the Tribune of the National Assembly. It is difficult to understand or explain the influence which M. Ledru-Rollin wielded in 1848. Manifestly he despised and turned away from the practical side of politics; his political style was extremely thin in substance, and his rhetorical graces were of the tawdry sort which positively repel Englishmen. He lived upon the tradition of his oratorical powers, and this source of authority he destroyed when he attempted to renew the magical potency of his eloquence, and to bring under his control a generation that had grown up while he was vegetating in exile, and calumniating the country that protected him. His speech some months ago in defence of universal suffrage and in favour of an immediate dissolution was certainly delivered before an unsympathetic audience; yet the curiosity of Frenchmen overpowered the dislike of the majority, and moved them to give a hearing to opinions which they detested. M. Ledru-Rollin had still been the orator that had encountered Berryer, not altogether unequally, in the National Assembly of 1848, he would have held his hearers in bonds in spite of the repulsive nature of his doctrines. But a firebrand that will not even glow is intolerable. Men forgot to pronounce any judgment on M. Ledru-Rollin's argument in amazement at discovering that he was dull. This is the unpardonable sin with Frenchmen; and M. Ledru-Rollin at once descended from the pedestal of his traditional authority to the obscurity in which he had lived for more than twenty years. Though this exposure of the flimsy character of M. Ledru-Rollin's claims to the leadership of the Republican party relieved M. Gambetta and the more statesmanlike Radicals of the present day from some uneasiness, his name was still dangerously potent with the turbulent classes, and his extravagant doctrines threw discredit on the politicians who could not rid themselves of his alliance. His death marks the decline of the old school of Republican purism, which has done so much mischief to France and to the imitators of France all over the world."

If

CHAPTER III.

GERMANY.

Prince Bismarck-Elections to Reichstag-Debate on General La Marmora's book— Bismarck and the Ultramontanes-Measures against recusant Bishops-Supplementary Church Bills-Meeting of Reichstag-Army Bill-Speech of Count von Moltke-Debates on Alsace-Lorraine-Army Bill passed--Prorogation of Reichstag -Death of Deputy Mallinckrodt-Attempt on Prince Bismarck's life at KissingenTrial of Kullmann-Ecclesiastical prosecutions and contests-Xions: Father Schneider, &c.-Bishop Ketteler and the Sedan anniversary-Bishop Martin of Paderborn-Conversion to Romanism of Queen Dowager of Bavaria-Summary of incarcerations and ejectments under the Falck Laws-Bismarck's Spanish policyReassembling of Diet-Emperor's Speech-Landsturm and Bank Bills-AlsaceLorraine-Parliamentary skirmish of Dec. 4-Bismarck's speech on the Vatican -Arrest and trial of Count Arnim-Momentary resignation of Prince BismarckHis general popularity-Plot against his life.

THE political history of the German Empire this year is to a remarkable degree identical with the personal history of the great statesman who guided her destinies. The war of Bismarck against the Papacy was the key to all the prominent transactions of the time; and his marked individuality of character brought the Chancellor's words and deeds to the front with curious pertinacity; while in other matters also, affecting the interests of the Empire, he contrived to make himself scarcely less conspicuous.

The elections to the Imperial Diet, which were pending when the year commenced, resulted in some disappointment to the Chancellor and his supporters. The high-handed policy towards the Ultramontanes which the Falck Laws had set on foot, alienated the "Social Democrats," whose numbers, trifling in themselves, contributed along with the "Particularists," the Poles and Danes, and some individual Radicals, and so called "Savages” (“Wilden") or Deputies unattached, to swell the ranks of the opponents of the Government, even although the real basis of the opposition was one for which Radicals and Socialists could feel little sympathy. The Centrum Partei itself, or Ultramontane section, had increased from sixty-two members to about 100. Altogether the opposition forces might, it was thought, be reckoned at about 170 as against 400 Government supporters. Of other special parties among which the German politicians were distributed, it was remarked that the "National Liberals" had risen from 116 to 150 members; that the "Party of Progress" (Fortschitts Partei) had gained four new members; that the Poles remained at their former numbers; that the "Conservatives" and "Free Conservatives"