possessions, and no man dares engage in a measure that may in some degree increase the alarm. The bills upon Mr Laurens I have accepted, those of them at least that have arrived, upon an assurance from Dr Franklin, that in case I should not be able to borrow the money by the time they become payable, that I may draw upon him for it. I think Congress will perceive the danger of drawing any more, until they shall receive intelligence from me that the money is ready. The choice of a house is a point of so much importance, that I could not justify making it, without the most mature inquiry and reflection. Not only the success of the negotiation will depend upon it, but the political consequences of it will be important. I have made every inquiry and several proposals, but all have been politely declined. There are two houses which I believe would accept it, but these, although respectable, are so far from the first rank that I should be sorry to fix upon either, if I could see a prospect of gaining one of higher rank. I am told, that opening the loan now would injure us exceedingly; but I know not what to judge. I have found so many opinions mistaken, that in this country I cannot judge which are well founded. Fear is ever the second passion in minds governed by avarice. As long, therefore, as the English misrepresentations can make people here believe that there is a possibility of conquering America, or of our returning to the government of England, so long we shall find little credit here. The Prince was ill advised when he undertook what he was not obliged to do, in producing Mr Laurens' papers, which he did too, in a manner justly offensive to the United States. It was the part of Sir Joseph Yorke to have produced them, not to the Prince, but to their High Mightinesses. His Serene Highness, therefore, in this work of supererogation, gave himself the air of an instrument of Sir Joseph, which has not at all recommended him to the Dutch nation. But Sir Joseph, or his master, has committed a greater mistake in presenting that intemperate memorial. It is said, that he pleads positive orders; but many believe that if he had such orders, he procured them from his Court, and that the memorial was prepared at the Hague, and adjusted to the state of parties and politics in the Republic. Be this as it may, both the Prince and the Ambassador have missed their aim, and the publication of Mr Laurens' papers has had a contrary effect from what they expected and intended. The Republic, however, is in an embarrassed situation. The Prince has a decided inclination for England. He has the command of armies and navies, and the gift of so many offices, that his influence is astonishing among the nobility, and all the higher families. Besides this, the clergy are very generally devoted to him, and their influence among the populace is very great; so that there is great danger that the Republic will not be able to exert its real strength, even in case England should continue their hostilities. I say continue, because it is certain that by repeated violations of territory, as well as by innumerable captures of innocent vessels, hostilities have been long since begun. It is the opinion of many here, that without the discovery of Mr Laurens' papers, the Republic would not have acceded to the armed neutrality. As this great confed eration is now determined on, we shall see what will be its effects. The Empress of Russia is not of a character to be trifled with; yet I think the English will not respect the new arrangement. They will violate the principles of it, at least towards the Dutch, and risk a war with all the maritime powers of the world at once, rather than relinquish America, and agree to the principle of free ships, free goods. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN ADAMS. Sir, TO B. FRANKLIN. Amsterdam, November 30th, 1780. I have already accepted bills drawn upon Mr Laurens, to the amount of thirtyfour thousand three hundred and fiftyeight guilders. How many more will arrive, I know not. I shall inform your Excellency from time to time, as they appear, and I accept them. This Republic is in a violent crisis. If a certain party prevails, we shall raise no money here; if they do not, we shall raise very little. Patience is recommended to me, and delay in hopes of a turn of affairs. I am advised to do nothing, to attempt nothing, not even to choose a house, at present. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN ADAMS. Sir, TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Amsterdam, November 30th, 1780. The state of parties in this Republic is still critical. Many anonymous pamphlets appear on both sides. Those which proceed from the English party, are virulent against M. Van Berckel. The Republic itself wavers, according to events and causes, which are impenetrable. A few days ago, the plan appeared to be, to accede to the armed neutrality, in order to satisfy one party, and to disavow the conduct of Amsterdam, in forming with Mr Lee, the project of a treaty, in order to appease the other.* Fifteen cities, even in the Province of Holland, have disavowed this measure; Haerlem and Dort are the only two, which have approved it. The Grand Pensionary of Holland has sent after the courier, who had been despatched to the Plenipotentiaries at Petersburg, and brought him back to the Hague. What alteration is to be made, is unknown. It is now given out, that they have determined to increase the fortifications of the maritime towns, and augment their garrisons. I see every day more and more of the inveterate prejudices of this nation in favor of the English, and against the French; more and more of the irresistible influence of the Stadtholder, and more and more of the irresolution, uncertainty, and confusion of the nation. How the whole will conclude, I know not. One thing, however, is certain, that Congress can depend upon no money from hence. I have, confiding in the assurances of Dr Franklin, accepted all the bills drawn upon Mr Laurens, which * See this project of a treaty in William Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II. pp. 310, 313. have yet been presented to me, amounting to thirtyfour thousand three hundred and fiftyeight guilders; but I have no prospect of discharging them, or even of deriving my own subsistence from any other source than Passy. Congress, will, therefore, I presume, desist from any further drafts upon Holland, at least until they receive certain information that money has been borrowed, of which I see no present prospect. I have the honor to be, &c. Sir, JOHN ADAMS. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Amsterdam, December 14th, 1780. I am every day accepting the bills of exchange, which were drawn upon Mr Laurens; but I have no prospect of obtaining money to discharge them, from any other person than Dr Franklin. For some years before I came to Holland, every person I saw from this place assured me, that in his opinion, money might be borrowed, provided application was made with proper powers directly from Congress to solid Dutch houses. After my arrival here, these assurances were repeated to me, by persons whose names I could mention, and who I thought could not be deceived themselves, nor deceive me. But now that powers have arrived, and application has been made to Dutch houses undoubtedly solid, these houses will not accept the business. In short, I cannot refrain from saying, that almost all the professions of friendship to America, which have been made, turn out, upon trial, to have been nothing more than little adulations to procure a share in our trade. Truth demands |