VII. 1542. this conduct, which leaves a dishonourable imputation BOOK either on his understanding or his heart, or on both, he not only renounced whatever he could have hoped from such a promising commencement of the campaign, but gave the enemy an opportunity of recovering, before the end of summer, all the conquests which he had gained. On the Spanish frontier the emperor was not so inconsiderate as to venture on a battle, the loss of which might have endangered his kingdom. Perpignan, though poorly fortified and briskly attacked, having been largely supplied with ammunition and provisions by the vigilance of Doria, was defended so long and so vigorously by the duke of Alva, the persevering obstinacy of whose temper fitted him admirably for such a service, that at last the French, after a siege of three months, wasted by diseases, repulsed in several assaults, and despairing of success, relinquished the undertaking, and retired into their own country. Thus all Francis's mighty preparations, either from some defect in his own conduct, or from the superior power and prudence of his rival, produced no effects which bore any proportion to his expence and efforts, or such as gratified in any degree his own hopes, or answered the expectation of Europe. The only solid advantage of the campaign was, the acquisition of a few towns in Piedmont, which Bellay gained rather by stratagem and address than by force of arms. The emperor and Francis, though both considerably 1543exhausted by such great but indecisive efforts, discovering tions for Preparano abatement of their mutual animosity, employed all another their attention, tried every expedient, and turned them-campaignselves towards every quarter, in order to acquire new allies, together with such a reinforcement of strength as would give them the superiority in the ensuing campaign. Charles, taking advantage of the terror and resentment of the Spaniards, upon the sudden invasion of their Sigonii Vita A. Doriæ, p. 1191. e Sandov. Hist. tom. ii, 315. Ib. 318. Bellay, 387, &c. Ferrer. ix, 237. BOOK VII. 1543. May. country, prevailed on the cortes of the several kingdoms to grant him subsidies with a more liberal hand than usual. At the same time, he borrowed a large sum from John, king of Portugal, and, by way of security for his repayment, put him in possession of the Molucca isles in the East Indies, with the gainful commerce of precious spices, which that sequestered corner of the globe yields. Not satisfied with this, he negociated a marriage between Philip, his only son, now in his sixteenth year, and Mary, daughter of that monarch, with whom her father, the most opulent prince in Europe, gave a large dower; and having likewise persuaded the cortes of Aragon and Valencia to recognise Philip as the heir of these crowns, he obtained from them the donative usual on such occasions. These extraordinary supplies enabled him to make such additions to his forces in Spain, that he could detach a great body into the Low Countries, and yet reserve as many as were sufficient for the defence of the kingdom. Having thus provided for the security of Spain, and committed the government of it to his son, he sailed for Italy, in his way to Germany. But how attentive soever to raise the funds for carrying on the war, or eager to grasp at any new expedient for that purpose, he was not so inconsiderate as to accept of an overture, which Paul, knowing his necessities, artfully threw out to him. That ambitious pontiff, no less sagacious to discern, than watchful to seize opportunities of aggrandizing his family, solicited him to grant Octavio, his grandchild, whom the emperor had admitted to the honour of being his son-in-law, the investiture of the duchy of Milan, in return for which he promised such a sum of money as would have gone far towards supplying all his present exigencies. But Charles, as well from unwillingness to alienate a province of so much value, as from disgust at the pope, who had hitherto refused to join in the war against France, rejected the proposal. His dissatisfaction with Paul at that juncture was se Ferreras, ix, 238, 241. Jovii Hist. lib. xlii, 298, 6. VII. 1543. great, that he even refused to approve his alienating BOOK Parma and Placentia from the patrimony of St Peter, and settling them on his son and grandson as a fief to be held of the holy see. As no other expedient for raising money among the Italian states remained, he consented to withdraw the garrisons which he had hitherto kept in the citadels of Florence and Leghorn; in consideration for which he received a large present from Cosmo di Medici, who, by this means, secured his own independence, and got possession of two forts, which were justly called the fetters of Tuscany h. ciat ons VIII. But Charles, while he seemed to have turned his whole The empeattention towards raising the sums necessary for defray-"; ing the expenses of the year, had not been negligent of ith Henry objects more distant, though no less important, and had concluded a league, offensive and defensive, with Henry VIII, from which he derived, in the end, greater advantage than from all his other preparations. Several slight circumstances, which have already been mentioned, had begun to alienate the affections of that monarch from Francis, with whom he had been, for some time, in close alliance; and new incidents, of greater moment, had occurred to increase his disgust and animosity. Henry, Tenry's desirous of establishing an uniformity in religion in both rupture the British kingdoms, as well as fond of making prose-France and lytes to his own opinions, had formed a scheme of per- Scotiand. suading his nephew, the king of Scots, to renounce the pope's supremacy, and to adopt the same system of reformation which he had introduced into England. This measure he pursued with his usual eagerness and impetuosity, making such advantageous offers to James, whom he considered as not over-scrupulously attached to any religious tenets, that he hardly doubted of success. His propositions were accordingly received in such a manner, that he flattered himself with having gained his point. But the Scottish ecclesiastics, foreseeing how fatal the Adriani Istoria, i, 195. Sleid. 312. Jovii Hist. lib. xliii, p. 201 Vita di Cos. Medici di Baldini, p. 34. with 1543. BOOK union of their sovereign with England must prove, both VII. to their own power and to the established system of religion and the partisans of France, no less convinced that it would put an end to the influence of that crown upon the public councils of Scotland, combined together, and, by their insinuations, defeated Henry's scheme at the very moment when he expected it to have taken effect. Too haughty to brook such a disappointment, which he imputed as much to the arts of the French, as to the levity of the Scottish monarch, he took arms against Scotland, threatening to subdue the kingdom, since he could not gain the friendship of its king. At the same time, his resentment against Francis quickened his negociations with the emperor, an alliance with whom he was now as forward to accept as the other could be to offer it. During this war with Scotland, and before the conclusions of his negociations with Charles, James V. died, leaving his crown to Mary, his only daughter, an infant a few days old. Upon this event, Henry altered at once his whole system with regard to Scotland, and abandoning all thoughts of conquering it, aimed at what was more advantageous, as well as more practicable, an union with that kingdom by a marriage between Edward, his only son, and the young queen. But here, too, he apprehended a vigorous opposition from the French faction in Scotland, which began to bestir itself in order to thwart the measure. The necessity of crushing this party among the Scots, and of preventing Francis from furnishing them any effectual aid, confirmed Henry's resolution of breaking with France, and pushed him on to put a finishing hand to the treaty of confederacy with the emperor. Feb. 11. Alliance between Charles In this league were contained, first of all, articles for securing their future amity and mutual defence; then were enumerated the demands which they were respecand Henry tively to make upon Francis; and the plan of their operations was fixed, if he should refuse to grant them satis Hist. of Scotland, vol. i, p. 71, &c. 9th edit. 8vo. faction. They agreed to require, that Francis should not only renounce his alliance with Solyman, which had been the source of infinite calamities to Christendom, but also that he should make reparation for the damages which that unnatural union had occasioned; that he should restore Burgundy to the emperor; that he should desist immediately from hostilities, and leave Charles at leisure to oppose the common enemy of the Christian faith; and that he should immediately pay the sums due to Henry, or put some towns in his hands as security to that effect. If, within forty days, he did not comply with these demands, they then engaged to invade France, each with twenty thousand foot and five thousand horse, and not to lay down their arms until they had recovered Burgundy, together with the towns on the Somme, for the emperor, and Normandy and Guienne, or even the whole realm of France, for Henry. Their heralds, accordingly, set out with these haughty requisitions; and though they were not permitted to enter France, the two monarchs held themselves fully entitled to execute whatever was stipulated in their treaty. BOOK VII. 1543 tion with Francis, on his part, was not less diligent in preparing Francis'e for the approaching campaign. Having early observed negocia symptoms of Henry's disgust and alienation, and finding Solyman. all his endeavours to sooth and reconcile him ineffectual, he knew his temper too well not to expect that open hostilities would quickly follow upon this cessation of friendship. For this reason, he redoubled his endeavours to obtain from Solyman such aid as might counterbalance the great accession of strength which the emperor would receive by his alliance with England. In order to supply the place of the two ambassadors who had been murdered by Guasto, he sent as his envoy, first to Venice, and then to Constantinople, Paulin, who, though in no higher rank than a captain of foot, was deemed worthy of being raised to this important station, to which he was recommended by Bellay, who had trained him to the arts of negociation, Rym, xiv. 768. Herb. 238. |