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VI.

run the risk of disobliging his new ally the sultan, than, BOOK by an unseasonable adherence to the treaty with him, to forfeit what was of greater consequence.

1537.

peace be

and Fran

But though both parties consented to a truce, the ple- Negocia nipotentiaries found insuperable difficulties in settling the tions of a articles of a definitive treaty. Each of the monarchs, tween with the arrogance of a conqueror, aimed at giving law Charles to the other; and neither would so far acknowledge his cis. inferiority, as to sacrifice any point of honour, or to relinquish any matter of right; so that the plenipotentiaries spent the time in long and fruitless negociations, and separated after agreeing to prolong the truce for a few months.

these in

The pope, however, did not despair of accomplishing The pope a point in which the plenipotentiaries had failed, and took conducts upon himself the sole burden of negociating a peace. To person. form a confederacy capable of defending Christendom from the formidable inroads of the Turkish arms, and to concert effectual measures for the extirpation of the Lutheran heresy, were two great objects which Paul had much at heart, and he considered the union of the emperor with the king of France as an essential preliminary to both. To be the instrument of reconciling these contending monarchs, whom his predecessors, by their interested and indecent intrigues had so often embroiled, was a circumstance which could not fail of throwing distinguished lustre on his character and administration. Nor was he without hopes that, while he pursued this laudable end, he might secure advantages to his own family, the aggrandizing of which he did not neglect, though he aimed at it with a less audacious ambition than was common among the popes of that century. Influenced by these considerations, he proposed an interview between the two monarchs at Nice, and offered to repair thither in person, that he might act as mediator in composing all their differences. When a pontiff of a venerable character and of a very advanced age was willing, from his zeal for peace, to undergo the fatigues of so long a journey, neither

VI.

4538.

BOOK Charles nor Francis could with decency decline the interview. But though both came to the place of rendezvous, so great was the difficulty of-adjusting the ceremonial, or such the remains of distrust and rancour on each side, that they refused to see one another, and every thing was transacted by the intervention of the pope, who visited them alternately. With all his zeal and ingenuity he could not find out a method of removing the obstacles which prevented a final accommodation, particularly those arising from the possession of the Milanese; nor was all the weight of his authority sufficient to overcome the obstinate perseverance of either monarch in asserting his own claims. At last, that he might not seem to have laboured ten years altogether without effect, he prevailed on them to sign a truce for ten years, upon the same condition with the June 18. former, that each should retain what was now in his possession, and in the mean time should send ambassadors to Rome, to discuss their pretensions at leisure.

A truce for

concluded

at Nice.

Thus ended a war of no long continuance, but very extensive in its operations, and in which both parties exerted their utmost strength. Though Francis failed in the object that he had principally in view, the recovery of the Milanese, he acquired, nevertheless, great reputation by the wisdom of his measures, as well as the success of his arms, in repelling a formidable invasion, and by keeping possession of one half of the duke of Savoy's dominions, he added no inconsiderable accession of strength to his kingdom. Whereas Charles, repulsed and baffled, after having boasted so arrogantly of victory, purchased an inglorious truce, by sacrificing an ally who had rashly confided too much in his friendship and power. The unfortunate duke murmured, complained, and remonstrated against a treaty so much to his disadvantage, but in vain; he had no means of redress, and was obliged to submit. Of all his dominions, Nice, with its dependencies, was the only corner of which he himself kept possession. He saw

Recueil des Traitez, ii, 210. Relatione del Nicolo Tiepolo de l'Abocamento di Nizza, chez Du Mont Corps Diplomat. par. ii, p. 174.

VI.

1538.

the rest divided between a powerful invader and the ally BOOK to whose protection he had trusted, while he remained a sad monument of the imprudence of weak princes, who, by taking part in the quarrel of mighty neighbours, between whom they happen to be situated, are crushed and overwhelmed in the shock.

Charles

Aigues

A few days after signing the treaty of truce, the em-Interview peror set sail for Barcelona, but was driven by contrary between winds to the island St Margaret on the coast of Pro-and Franvence. When Francis, who happened to be not far dis- cis at tant, heard of this, he considered it as an office of civility mortes. to invite him to take shelter in his dominions, and proposed a personal interview with him at Aigues-mortes. The emperor, who would not be outdone by his rival in complaisance, instantly repaired thither. As soon as he cast anchor in the road, Francis, without waiting to settle any point of ceremony, but relying implicitly on the emperor's honour for his security, visited him on board his galley, and was received and entertained with the warmest demonstrations of esteem and affection. Next day the emperor repaid the confidence which the king had placed in him. He landed at Aigues-mortes with as little precaution, and met with a reception equally cordial. He re mained on shore during the night, and in both visits the two monarchs vied with each other in expressions of respect and friendship. After twenty years of open hostilities, or of secret enmity; after so many injuries reciprocally inflicted or endured; after having formally given the lie, and challenged one another to single combat; after the emperor had inveighed so publicly against Francis as a prince void of honour or integrity; and after Francis had accused him of being accessary to the murder of his eldest son; such an interview appears altogether singular and even unnatural. But the history of these monarchs abounds with such surprising transitions. From implac

Sandov. Hist. vol. ii, 238. Fran. I. par M. de la Revoire. Vaisette, tom. v. Preuves, p. 93,

Relation de l'Entrevue de Charl. V. &-
Hist. de Langued. par. D. D. de Vie &

VI.

1538.

BOOK able hatred they appeared to pass in a moment to the most cordial reconcilement; from suspicion and distrust, to perfect confidence; and from practising all the dark arts of a deceitful policy, they could assume, of a sudden, the liberal and open manners of two gallant gentlemen.

The assassination

der di Medici.

The pope besides the glory of having restored peace to Europe, gained, according to his expectation, a point of great consequence to his family, by prevailing on the émperor to betroth Margaret of Austria, his natural daughter, formerly the wife of Alexander di Medici, to his grandson Octavio Farnese, and in consideration of this marriage, to bestow several honours and territories upon his future son-in-law. A very tragical event, which hapof Alexan- pened about the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred and thirty-seven, had deprived Margaret of her first husband. That young prince, whom the emperor's partiality had raised to the supreme power in Florence, upon the ruins of the public liberty, neglected entirely the cares of government, and abandoned himself to the most dissolute debauchery. Lorenzo di Medici, his nearest kinsman, was not only the companion but director of his pleasures; and, employing all the powers of a cultivated and inventive genius in this dishonourable ministry, added such elegance as well as variety to vice, as gained him an absolute ascendant over the mind of Alexander. But while Lorenzo seemed to be sunk in luxury, and affected such an appearance of indolence and effeminacy, that he would not wear a sword, and trembled at the sight of blood, he concealed under that disguise a dark, designing, audacious spirit. Prompted either by the love of liberty, or allured by the hope of attaining the supreme power, he determined to assassinate Alexander, his benefactor and friend. Though he long revolved this design in his mind, his reserved and suspicious temper prevented him from communicating it to any person whatever; and continuing to live with Alexander in their usual familiarity, he one night, under pretence of having secured him an assigna

VI.

1538.

tion with a lady of high rank whom he had often solicited, BOOK drew that unwary prince into a secret apartment of his house, and there stabbed him, while he lay carelessly on a couch, expecting the arrival of the lady whose company he had been promised. But no sooner was the deed done, than standing astonished, and struck with horror at its atrocity, he forgot, in a moment, all the motives which had induced him to commit it. Instead of rousing the people to recover their liberty, by publishing the death of the tyrant, instead of taking any step towards opening his own way to the dignity now vacant, he locked the door of the apartment, and, like a man bereaved of reason and presence of mind, fled with the utmost precipitation out of the Florentine territories. It was late next morning before the fate of the unfortunate prince was known, as his attendants, accustomed to his irregularities, never entered his apartment early. Immediately the chief persons in the state assembled. Being induced, partly by the zeal of Cardinal Cibo for the house of Medici, to which he was Cosmo di nearly related, partly by the authority of Francis Guic- Medici placed at ciardini, who recalled to their memory, and represented in the head striking colours, the caprice as well as turbulence of their of the ancient popular government, they agreed to place Cosmo state. di Medici, a youth of eighteen, the only male heir of that illustrious house, at the head of the government: though at the same time such was their love of liberty, that they established several regulations in order to circumscribe and moderate his power.

Florentine

vernment

opposed by

rentine

Meanwhile, Lorenzo having reached a place of safety, His gomade known what he had done to Philip Strozzi and the other Florentines who had been driven into exile, or who the Flohad voluntarily retired, when the republican form of go- exile. vernment was abolished, in order to make way for the dominion of the Medici. By them, the deed was extolled with extravagant praises, and the virtue of Lorenzo was compared with that of the elder Brutus, who disregarded the ties of blood, or with that of the younger, who forgot the friendship and favours of the tyrant, that they might pre

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