THE Hiftory of the Life of King Henry the Second, and of the age in which he lived, in five Books: to which is prefixed, a Hiftory of the Revolutions of England from the Death of Edward the Confeffor to the Birth of Henry the Second." By George Lord Lyttleton. [3 vols. 4to.]

AS

S there is, perhaps, no ftudy fo delightful as that of hif. tory, fo there is no history so use, ful as that of our own country. The very early accounts of England, as of all other ancient nations, being founded on fable, the reading of any thing relating to thofe dark ages may be confidered merely as an amufement. But from the time that the different kingdoms of the heptarchy were united under one government; that the Anglo-Saxon conftitution began to be completely formed; and that many facts became properly afcertained; every part of the hiftory of England becomes an object of confideration.

The noble author of the excellent work before us, has chofen one of the most critical, the most diftinguished, and the most interefting periods, for the fubject of his history. To his age of Henry the Second he has prefixed a hiftory of the revolutions which happened in England from the death of Ed-, ward the Confeffor to the birth of that prince. And as the hiftory of king Stephen is included in the

first book of the age of Henry the Second, we have thereby a complete hiftory of England and of its continental connexions, for that interefting period of above an hundred years. In this period we fee the conqueft of one mighty ration by another; the union and incor. poration of both nations; the manner how by flow degrees they were melted into one; and their united acts under fome of the greatest monarchs that ever lived. The noble writer traces out, with the greatest accuracy, the degrees by which the Norman feudal fyftem was engrafted upon and interwoven with the. Anglo-Saxon conftitution; from whence, through various modifica. tions, proceeds that excellent form which we enjoy at prefent.

This is a part of our history, which requires the greatest labour, judgment, and knowledge, to inveftigate; and which, though effentially requifite to be known by every Englishman of confideration in his country, is the moft involved in obfcurity, the leaft generally understood, and the part as to which modern writ ers differ moft in opinion. For this many caufes may be affigned; most of our writers have been influenced by fome or other of the parties into which we have been fo frequently divided, and which are perhaps fo neceffary for the prefervation of a free state. From hence it has proceeded, that too

many

many of our hiftorians have adopted favourite fyftems, to which every thing that came in their way was obliged to fubmit, which, as it has leffened our character as historians, has equally prevented our acquifition of the moft ufeful knowledge. It cannot however be denied, that the materials for this fubject are often defective; many things are overlooked at the time of writing, as matters that are generally known, and that can never be forgotten, which if recorded would afford the greateft lights to pofterity. It is probably owing to this want of precifion in the ancient writers, and to the fondness of fyftem in the moderns, that we now find it fo difficult to trace the hiftory of our ancient conftitution, or to define the exact powers of the different parts of it; and from thence arife the great diverfity of opinions relative to thefe fubjects.

It happens fortunately, with refpect to the work before us, that the age of Henry the fecond produced better writers than had appeared for feveral hundred years before or after that era, fo that it may not perhaps be an abfolute impropriety to call it the middle claffical age. The noble author has alfo availed himself of fome materials, which are to be found in few other periods of ancient or modern times, viz. collections of letters, written on affairs of great moment, by fome of the principal actors in thofe affairs, or perfons employed by them, and deep in their confidence. From thefe he takes almost all the particulars of Henry's quarrel with Becket, and they ferve to throw light on many other important tranfactions. His Lordship has peglected nothing that could eluci

date his fubject; he has examined the most ancient records that are in being; the fcarceft manufcripts the pipe-rolls of the exchequer; and whatever else that could in any degree ferve to remove error, or to afcertain fact; and from this laborious courfe of enquiry, we find the feries of events in this hiftory better afcertained, than perhaps in any other work of the kind that ever was published.

Henry the fecond was one of the greateft princes, in extent of dominion, in magnanimity and in abilities, that ever governed this nation. Whether we confider him as a hero, or a statesman'; whether in the field giving law to his enemies, or at home adminiftering juftice to his people; we find him equally great, and his actions equally furprising. His life is particularly inftructive, from the uncommon variety of the events it contains; from its being diftinguifhed by great virtues and great faults; by fudden and furprifing changes of fortune in the affairs of this kingdom; by the fubjection of Wales, of Scotland, and of Ireland; and by a glory furpaffing all military achievements, the reformation of government, and the establishment of good laws and wife inftitutions, beneficial to the public.

Though this period has been included in the general hiftories of other writers, yet it must be acknowledged, that in works of fo vaft an extent, there cannot be fuch a full detail of particulars, nor fo much exactnefs and accuracy, as in thofe that are confined to narrow limits. It is only in the latter, that the feveral steps and preparatory measures, by which

great

"great actions are conducted, and great events are brought on, can be fhewn with any clearness. Much, therefore, in this hiftory will be new to many readers; and many matters, which have been already fubjects of difcuffion, will here appear in a new light. In particular, the refearches which the noble author has made into the ancient laws and conftitution of England, and the feudal inftitutions and tenures, will be found well worth the attention of every Englishman. The ftate of the church, of the royal revenues, of the exchequer, and of the military government, are treated with equal perfpicuity and elegance, and new lights thrown upon fome of them which they had not before received. The account his Lord ship gives of the croifades, and the orders of knighthood, are highly curious and entertaining; and the warmth with which upon all occafions he vindicates the general rights of mankind, muft procure him the fuffrages of all lovers of liberty.

The prefent publication confifts of three volumes in quarto; but the work is unfinished, three of the five books only of which it confifts, being contained in thefe

volumes, The firft volume contains, befides the hiftory of the revolutions, which we have already taken notice of, the firft book of the life of Henry the fecond, containing the hiftory of that prince from his birth till he afcended the throne; and includes the principal occurrences of the life of King Stephen. The fecond volume contains the second and third books of the hiftory, which bring

it down to the death of Becket in 1170.

The 3d volume confifts of notes upon the fecond, and the authorities upon which the former volumes are founded. The history from the death of Becket in 1170, to the death of Henry, which happened in 1189, nineteen years afterwards, is wanting; but though we have no particular information upon the fubject, we have some reafon to hope it will foon make its appearance.

Upon the whole, whether we confider the work with refpect to the labour attending it, the weight of the matter it contains, the clearnefs, accuracy, and perfpicuity of its manner, or the elegance of its compofition, we cannot help thinking it one of the beft histories that has appeared in the English language, and a moft valuable acquifition to the knowledge of our country.

From the nature of this work, it is fcarce poffible to make any abftracts of it, without mutilating or difgracing the original. We fhall, however, as we go along, occafionally touch upon fome particular paffages, which we apprehend are put in a new light, or where the noble author differs in opinion on material points from fome other writers,

His lordship obferves that William the firft was fo far from grounding his title to the crown of England upon a fuppofed right of conqueft, that he used his utmoft endeavours to establish the notion of his being heir to King Edward, from the appointment of that monarch. And that he was crowned, not without the appearance and

form of an election, or free acknowledgment of his claim: for the archbishop of York, and the bishop of Coutance, who officiated in the ceremony, feparately demanded of the nobility, prelates and people of both nations, (Englifh and Normans) who were prefent and affifting, whether they confented that he should reign over them? and, with joyful acclamations, they anfwered, that they did. Before he afcended the throne, he made a compact with his new subjects, by his coronation oath, the fame with that of the Saxon kings.

A diftinction is to be made between the government of William the Firft, which was very tyrannical, and the conftitution established under him in this kingdom, which was no abfolute monarchy, but an ingraftment of the feudal tenures and other cuftoms of Normandy upon the ancient Saxon laws of Edward the Confeffor. He more than once fwore to maintain those laws, and in the fourth year of his reign confirmed them in parliament; yet not without great alterations, to which the whole legiflature agreed, by a more complete introduction of the ftrist feudal law, as it was practifed in Normandy; which produced a different political fyftem, and changed both power and property in many respects; though the first principles of that law and general notions of it, had been in ufe among the English fome ages before. But that the liberty of the fubject was not fo deftroyed by thefe alterations, as fome writers have fuppofed, plainly appears by the very ftatutes that William en

acted; in one of which we find an exprefs declaration, "That all the freemen in his kingdom "thould hold and enjoy their

lands and poffeffions free from "all unjuft exaction, and from all "tallage; fo that nothing fhould "be exacted or taken of them "but their free fervice, which "they by right owed to the

crown, and were bound to per"form." It is farther faid, "That this was ordained and "granted to them as an heredi

tary right for ever, by the com"mon council of the kingdom." Which very remarkable ftatute is juftly ftyled by a learned author, Nathaniel Bacon, the firft Magna Charta of the Normans. And it extended no lefs to the English than to the Normans."

The noble writer is of opinion, that the English were not reduced fo low by William the Conqueror, even at the end of his reign (as fome writers have fuppofed) as to be mere abject drudges and flaves to the Normans; in proof of which he thews, that the very year after his death they raised an army of thirty thousand men, in fupport of his fon, William Rufus, against his brother Robert and the whole force of the Normans; which army ferved him bravely and faithfully in his diftrefs, and to them he chiefly owed his prefervation. So that their force was fufficient to maintain that prince of the royal family, who courted them moft, upon the throne of this kingdom, against all the efforts of the contrary faction: a very remarkable fact, which almoft retrieved the honour of the nation.

The account his Lordship gives

of