cyclone; and if any indications can exist of the tendency of the times and the drift of the rewards of labor, no surer, clearer ones than the above can be imagined nor constructed. Were these "representatives of the people" the most unselfish and purest of earth, the farmer, mechanic, and laborer could not expect them to do them full justice. It is not human nature; is preposterous and child-like. The average school-boy knows better than to trust the keeping of the game or of a valuable secret to his friendly antagonist, and will hardly trust the dividing of the noon-lunch to a kind brother or a tender sister. The infant as naturally reaches with hands, feet, and mouth for everything in sight as the average legislator does for "fat things" out of sight-especially of their constituents. Farmers, mechanics, and other laborers must think to be thrifty; they must think to look after and vote for their own interests together; must educate their sons to aid them, and must force their representatives to represent them. They must remember that most officials who spend money for election will, on opportunity, rob them of a thousand dollars for every hundred spent.

In a late number of the Farmers' Voice, published at Chicago, Ill., the author advocated the calling of an industrial convention with a demand that it be truly representative of the working people of the United States, and them only; the representatives to be fairly divided between the farmers, wage-workers, and other laborers; no associations to be rejected nor admitted, as such, and all safeguards of harmony and fairness to be exercised stringently. The theory of it is to make an opportunity for unity and a proper political course, which would be common to all the interests. Nothing else could succeed, and too much should not be anticipated, even in this. A feasible plan and details can be worked out; the people

are needing and ready for it, and the benefits would be unmeasured; but demagogues and politicians must be strictly and continually ruled down and completely out. The first work would be to discuss and decide whether it is natural laws or legislation which is distributing increasing wealth. If the former, disband; if the latter, endeavor with charity and earnest energy to find the principle and the party which causes injustice and inequality -but old partyism must be buried out of mind. This should naturally lead next to the taking possession of one of the old parties, then to a Congress and an administration of the people for the people-and not for the classes at the expense of the masses. Thousands of men are now ready to join and to select a managing man who, if able and honest, ought be made a Moses. Such men we have, but they are, of course, as yet undeveloped.

In the matter of party, it is evident that it is always changing with its leaders; they make it, shape it, and give it the character it may temporarily possess. Capitalists and all their associations will naturally take-if they have not already taken-possession of one of the two ruling parties; and the laborers and all the great middle class must be dominated by them, so long as they continue with them in party lines.

Forming a new one as an industrial party—would divide the strength of the remaining party and ever defeat both; hence, why not capture this remaining party and shape, officer, own, and control it? These two old parties. are too nearly even, strong, and general, and too well rooted and organized to be beaten for years by a new party. Thus an organization, equipped and drilled, and composed now mainly of the worthy farmers and wageworkers, can be mastered and turned to service at once and successfully by them.

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Sectional and Class Legislation.

As among the most needed reforms in this country, sectional and class legislation naturally suggest many abuses therein, which should be speedily remedied. Not only has this been the case since the late civil contest, but it was so before it in a corresponding ratio. This spirit, carried into our national councils by representatives from States hostile to systems in other States, was the occasion for the frequent and intensely bitter sectional contests that arose, and which were continued to the end of plunging the country into a civil revolution. But this same spirit lives to-day, and in more unjustifiable measure; and it is still extended in influencing sectional legislation. The war has been over long enough for the blood of men to cool, and for their return to the peaceful aspect, in which should be considered the duties of the hour. The legislation that benefits one class at the expense of the other is much to be denounced by all good and true men. There should be impartial legislation by our Congress, whose members are expected by those whose representatives they are, thus to preserve the principle of making laws which should govern, but not oppress. It was decreed by the Constitution of the United States that all the people should enjoy equal rights and privileges. The supporters of the stronger party, however, often claim that right is might, and that they have no duty but to suit themselves. A nation cannot be taxed into prosperity; but to secure it in its

fullest sense, there must be freedom from partiality in taxation, party prejudices, and sectional animosities. Government itself may never control the industries of the people as can the people themselves, but it can largely assist in relieving them of the burdens that become disruptive of the true ends of industrial prominence and importance. Again, the legislation directed to favoring certain classes or conditions can but be promotive of serious injury and consequent opposition. These evils and obstacles clog the wheels of industrial machinery and break down the energies of the great masses engaged in laborious pursuits. The representatives of either party who seek elevation by devising and supporting such blighting systems, are not worthy objects of the suffrages of good citizens who value the rights and privileges guaranteed under a republican form of government. Laws are sought for by a governing political party which would greatly imperil the individual rights of the many for the benefit of a class. This is as old as the world almost; certainly as old as the history of civilized nations. But who shall say that it is right and just, humane or honorable? Do our legislators, with an understanding of this question in their minds, perpetuate these impositions upon the people for selfish reasons? Does it not seem so to every unbiased nature? Surely our legislators have a positive and unmistakable knowledge of these subjects, and yet they persist, for party reasons, pay, or influence, in lending their support to injudicious and injurious measures. Should the desires of such men always take shape in the passage of such laws, our country would soon be ruined, and the gigantic structure of our beloved Republic "dissolve, and, like the baseless fabric of a dream, leave not a wreck behind."

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Story: The Protective Tariff-Illustrated.

After years of patient toil and numerous sacrifices, James Harrison had reached the zenith of his ambition in the acquirement of almost boundless wealth. From his earliest infancy he had practiced the principles of saving, shown and intensified by his hardy progenitors in daily illustrations. His father had stored his mind with proverbs of the "Poor Richard" philosophy, and the practical son was not slow in applying them. Possessed of a strong physical constitution, he bore his hardships with an indifference to suffering and a courage in overcoming them consistent with his tireless ambition. By the neglect of comforts, the enjoyment of which would have detracted from his savings, he was enabled continually to add to his earnings. While he was the pride of his father and mother, both of whom had been chained to labor's oar all their lives, he was not spoiled by this preference over his brothers and sisters, but was rather incited to a more vigorous prosecution of his daily tasks.

The son of a farmer has, as a farm laborer, but little chance of creating a moneyed capital for himself, unless he be made a sharer in the farm profits, as was the case with James. His father appreciated the better service of a proper reward, and was hence indisposed to deprive his son of any advantages he might give to others. Thus were laid the foundations of the great future of this