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soldiers, it would most probably have cost Tetricus his life; nor could he resign the sceptre of the West without committing an act of treason against himself. He affected the appearances of a civil war, led his forces into the field against Aurelian, posted them in the most disadvantageous manner, betrayed his own counsels to the enemy, and with a few chosen friends deserted in the beginning of the action. The rebel legions, though disordered and dismayed by the unexpected treachery of their chief, defended themselves with desperate valour, till they were cut in pieces almost to a man, in this bloody and memorable battle, which was fought near Châlons in Champagne. The retreat of the irregular auxiliaries, Franks and Batavians, whom the conqueror soon compelled or persuaded to repass the Rhine, restored the general tranquillity, and the power of Aurelian was acknowledged from the wall of Antoninus to the Columns of Hercules.

51

50

As early as the reign of Claudius, the city of Autun, alone and unassisted, had ventured to declare against the legions of Gaul. After a siege of seven months they stormed and plundered that unfortunate city, already wasted by famine.52 Lyons, on the contrary, had resisted with obstinate disaffection the arms of Aurelian. We read of the punishment of Lyons,53 but there is not any mention of the rewards of Autun. Such, indeed, is the policy of civil war : severely to remember injuries, and to forget the most important services. Revenge is profitable, gratitude is expensive.

Character of

Aurelian had no sooner secured the person and provinces of Tetricus than he turned his arms against Zenobia, the A.. 272. celebrated queen of Palmyra and the East. Modern Zenobia; Europe has produced several illustrious women who have sustained with glory the weight of empire; nor is our own age destitute of such distinguished characters. But if we except the doubtful achievements of Semiramis, Zenobia is perhaps the only female whose superior genius broke through the servile indolence imposed on her sex by the climate and manners of Asia." She claimed her descent

54

50 Pollio in Hist. August. p. 196. [xxx. Tyranni, c. 23.] Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 220. [Aurel. c. 32.] The two Victors, in the lives of Gallienus and Aurelian. Eutrop. ix. 13 [c. 9]. Euseb. in Chron. Of all these writers, only the two last (but with strong probability) place the fall of Tetricus before that of Zenobia. M. de Boze (in the Academy of Inscriptions, tom. xxx.) does not wish, and Tillemont (tom. iii. p. 1189) does not dare, to follow them. I have been fairer than the one, and bolder than the other. [Clinton places the fall of Tetricus after that of Zenobia, in 274.-S.]

51 Victor Junior in Aurelian. Eumenius mentions Batavica; some critics, without any reason, would fain alter the word to Bagaudica.

32 Eumen. in Vet. Panegyr. iv. 8.

53 Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 246 [in Proculo, c. 13]. Autun was not restored till the reign of Diocletian. See Eumenius de restaurandis scholis.

54 Almost everything that is said of the manners of Odenathus and Zenobia is taken from their Lives in the Augustan History, by Trebellius Pollio: see p. 192, 198. [xxx. Tyranni, c. 14 and 29.]

20

and learn

ing;

CHARACTER AND ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF ZENOBIA.

CHAP. XI.

from the Macedonian kings of Egypt, equalled in beauty her ancestor Cleopatra, and far surpassed that princess in chastity and valour. her beauty Zenobia was esteemed the most lovely as well as the most heroic of her sex. She was of a dark complexion (for in speaking of a lady these trifles become important). Her teeth were of a pearly whiteness, and her large black eyes sparkled with uncommon fire, tempered by the most attractive sweetness. Her voice was strong and harmonious. Her manly understanding was strengthened and adorned by study. She was not ignorant of the Latin tongue, but possessed in equal perfection the Greek, the Syriac, and the Egyptian languages. She had drawn up for her own use an epitome of oriental history, and familiarly compared the beauties of Homer and Plato under the tuition of the sublime Longinus.

This accomplished woman gave her hand to Odenathus, who,

her valour.

from a private station, raised himself to the dominion of the East. She soon became the friend and companion of a hero. In the intervals of war Odenathus passionately delighted in the exercise of hunting; he pursued with ardour the wild beasts of the desert, lions, panthers, and bears; and the ardour of Zenobia in that dangerous amusement was not inferior to his own. She had inured her constitution to fatigue, disdained the use of a covered carriage, generally appeared on horseback in a military habit, and sometimes marched several miles on foot at the head of the troops. The success of Odenathus was in a great measure ascribed to her incomparable prudence and fortitude. Their splendid victories over the Great King, whom they twice pursued as far as the gates of Ctesiphon, laid the foundations of their united fame and power. The armies which they commanded, and the provinces which they had saved, acknowledged not any other sovereigns than their invincible chiefs. The senate and people of Rome revered a stranger who had avenged their captive emperor, and even the insensible son of Valerian accepted Odenathus for his legitimate colleague.

She revenges

After a successful expedition against the Gothic plunderers of Asia, the Palmyrenian prince returned to the city of Emesa in her husband's Syria. Invincible in war, he was there cut off by domestic death, treason, and his favourite amusement of hunting was the cause, or at least the occasion, of his death. 56 His nephew, Mæonius,

55 She never admitted her husband's embraces but for the sake of posterity. If her hopes were baffled, in the ensuing month she reiterated the experiment. 5 Hist. August. p. 192, 193. [Pollio, xxx. Tyranni, c. 14.] Zosimus, 1. i. [c. 39] p.

a According to some Christian writers Zenobia was a Jewess. (Jost, Geschichte der Israel, iv. p. 166. Hist. of Jews, iii. p. 175.-M.

b According to Zosimus, Odenathus was

of a noble family in Palmyra; and, according to Procopius [Bell. Pers. 1. ii. c. 5], he was prince of the Saracens who inhabit the banks of the Euphrates. Eckhel, Doct. Num. vii. p. 489.-G.

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presumed to dart his javelin before that of his uncle; and, though
admonished of his error, repeated the same insolence. As a monarch,
and as a sportsman, Odenathus was provoked, took away his horse,
a mark of ignominy among the barbarians, and chastised the rash
youth by a short confinement. The offence was soon forgot, but the
punishment was remembered; and Mæonius, with a few daring
associates, assassinated his uncle in the midst of a great en-
tertainment. Herod, the son of Odenathus, though not of
Zenobia, a young man of a soft and effeminate temper,57 was killed
with his father. But Mæonius obtained only the pleasure of revenge
by this bloody deed. He had scarcely time to assume the title of
Augustus before he was sacrificed by Zenobia to the memory of
her husband.58

A.D. 267,

East and

With the assistance of his most faithful friends, she immediately filled the vacant throne, and governed with manly counsels and reigns Palmyra, Syria, and the East, above five years. By the over the death of Odenathus, that authority was at an end which the Egypt. senate had granted him only as a personal distinction; but his martial widow, disdaining both the senate and Gallienus, obliged one of the Roman generals who was sent against her to retreat into Europe, with the loss of his army and his reputation.59 Instead of the little passions which so frequently perplex a female reign, the steady administration of Zenobia was guided by the most judicious maxims of policy. If it was expedient to pardon, she could calm her resentment; if it was necessary to punish, she could impose silence on the voice of pity. Her strict economy was accused of avarice; yet on every proper occasion she appeared magnificent and liberal. The neighbouring states of Arabia, Armenia, and Persia, dreaded her enmity, and solicited her alliance. To the dominions of Odenathus, which extended from the Euphrates to the frontiers of Bithynia, his widow added the inheritance of her ancestors, the populous and fertile kingdom of Egypt. The emperor Claudius acknowledged 36. Zonaras, 1. xii. [c. 24] p. 633 [ed. Paris; p. 600, ed. Bonn]. The last is clear and probable, the others confused and inconsistent. The text of Syncellus, if not corrupt, is absolute nonsense.

60 a

57 Odenathus and Zenobia often sent him, from the spoils of the enemy, presents of gems and toys, which he received with infinite delight."

58 Some very unjust suspicions have been cast on Zenobia, as if she was accessory to her husband's death.

59 Hist. August. p. 180, 181. [Pollio, Gallieni II. c. 13.]

60 See in Hist. August. p. 198 [Pollio, xxx. Tyranni, c. 29], Aurelian's testimony to her merit; and for the conquest of Egypt, Zosimus, 1. i. [c. 44] p. 39, 40.

This seems very doubtful: Claudius, during all his reign, is represented as emperor on the medals of Alexandria, which are very numerous. If Zenobia possessed any power in Egypt, it could only have been at the beginning of the

reign of Aurelian. The same circumstance throws great improbability on her conquests in Galatia. Perhaps Zenobia administered Egypt in the name of Claudius, and, emboldened by the death of that prince, subjected it to her own power.-G.

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EXPEDITION OF AURELIAN AGAINST ZENOBIA,

CHAP. XI.

her merit, and was content that, while he pursued the Gothic war, she should assert the dignity of the empire in the East. The conduct, however, of Zenobia was attended with some ambiguity; nor is it unlikely that she had conceived the design of erecting an independent and hostile monarchy. She blended with the popular manners of Roman princes the stately pomp of the courts of Asia, and exacted from her subjects the same adoration that was paid to the successors of Cyrus. She bestowed on her three sons 1 a Latin education, and often showed them to the troops adorned with the Imperial purple. For herself she reserved the diadem, with the splendid but doubtful title of Queen of the East.

The expe dition of Aurelian,

A.D. 272.

When Aurelian passed over into Asia, against an adversary whose sex alone could render her an object of contempt, his presence restored obedience to the province of Bithynia, already shaken by the arms and intrigues of Zenobia.62 Advancing at the head of his legions, he accepted the submission of Ancyra, and was admitted into Tyana, after an obstinate siege, by the help of a perfidious citizen. The generous though fierce temper of Aurelian abandoned the traitor to the rage of the soldiers: a superstitious reverence induced him to treat with lenity the countrymen of Apollonius the philosopher.63 Antioch was deserted on his approach, till the emperor, by his salutary edicts, recalled the fugitives, and granted a general pardon to all who, from necessity rather than choice, had been engaged in the service of the Palmyrenian queen. The unexpected mildness of such a conduct reconciled the minds of the Syrians, and, as far as the gates of Emesa, the wishes of the people seconded the terror of his arms.64

The emperor

Zenobia would have ill deserved her reputation, had she indolently permitted the emperor of the West to approach within an defeats the hundred miles of her capital. The fate of the East was decided in two great battles; so similar in almost every circumstance, that we can scarcely distinguish them from each other, except by observing that the first was fought

Palmyre

hians in the

battles of

Antioch and

Emesa.

61 Timolaus, Herennianus, and Vabalathus." It is supposed that the two former were already dead before the war. On the last, Aurelian bestowed a small province of Armenia, with the title of King; several of his medals are still extant. See Tillemont, tom, iii. p. 1190. 62 Zosimus, 1. i. [c. 50] p. 44.

63 Vopiscus (in Hist. August. p. 217 [Aurel. c. 23, seq.]) gives us an authentic letter, and a doubtful vision, of Aurelian. Apollonius of Tyana was born about the same time as Jesus Christ. His life (that of the former) is related in so fabulous a manner by his disciples, that we are at a loss to discover whether he was a sage, an impostor, or a fanatic. Zosimus, 1. i. [c. 54] p. 46.

"Vopiscus asserts (Aurel. c. 38) that Zenobia governed as regent for her son Balbatus (i. e. Vabalathus), and not for Timolaus and Herennianus, which is the statement of Trebellius Pollio, XXX. Tyranni, c. 29. There are no medals

64

extant either of Herennianus or Timolaus, while there are several of Vabalathus, bearing the effigies and titles of Aurelian on the reverse. Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 491, seq.; Clinton, Fasti Rom. vol. i. p. 306. -S.

near Antioch,65 and the second near Emesa.66 In both the queen of Palmyra animated the armies by her presence, and devolved the execution of her orders on Zabdas, who had already signalised his military talents by the conquest of Egypt. The numerous forces of Zenobia consisted for the most part of light archers, and of heavy cavalry clothed in complete steel. The Moorish and Illyrian horse of Aurelian were unable to sustain the ponderous charge of their antagonists. They fled in real or affected disorder, engaged the Palmyrenians in a laborious pursuit, harassed them by a desultory combat, and at length discomfited this impenetrable but unwieldy body of cavalry. The light infantry, in the mean time, when they had exhausted their quivers, remaining without protection against a closer onset, exposed their naked sides to the swords of the legions. Aurelian had chosen these veteran troops who were usually stationed on the Upper Danube, and whose valour had been severely tried in the Alemannic war.67 After the defeat of Emesa, Zenobia found it impossible to collect a third army. As far as the frontier of Egypt, the nations subject to her empire had joined the standard of the conqueror, who detached Probus, the bravest of his generals, to possess himself of the Egyptian provinces. Palmyra was the last resource of the widow of Odenathus. She retired within the walls of her capital, made every preparation for a vigorous resistance, and declared, with the intrepidity of a heroine, that the last moment of her reign and of her life should be the same. Amid the barren deserts of Arabia a few cultivated spots rise like islands out of the sandy ocean. Even the name of Tadmor, The state or Palmyra, by its signification in the Syriac as well as in the Latin language, denoted the multitude of palm-trees which afforded shade and verdure to that temperate region. The air was pure, and the soil, watered by some invaluable springs, was capable of producing fruits as well as corn. A place possessed of such singular advantages, and situated at a convenient distance 68 between the Gulf of Persia and the Mediterranean, was soon frequented by

of Palmyra.

65 At a place called Imma. Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, and Jerome, mention only this first battle.

66 Vopiscus, in Hist. August. p. 217 [Aurel. c. 25], mentions only the second.

67 Zosimus, 1. i. [c. 50, sqq.] p. 44-48. His account of the two battles is clear and circumstantial.

68 It was five hundred and thirty-seven miles from Seleucia, and two hundred and three from the nearest coast of Syria, according to the reckoning of Pliny, who, in a few words (Hist. Natur. v. 25), gives an excellent description of Palmyra.“

"Tadmor, or Palmyra, was probably at a very early period the connecting link between the commerce of Tyre and Babylon. Heeren, Ideen, v. i. p. ii. p.

125.

Tadmor was probably built by Solomon as a commercial station. Hist. of Jews, i. p. 271.-M.

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