already recorded our persuasion, that Mr. into their minds to suppose that the interests Madison was entangled in the toils of French of the United States would be best promoted intrigue; and we have not formed that by selecting for their adversary the one opinion without, as we think, sufficient evi- of the two offending nations which, in peace, dence. Still we do not desire to convey the maintained with them the closest relations, impression, in itself preposterous, that either founded on a commerce eminently prosperMr. Madison or his coadjutors were so de- ous and profitable; and, in war, had the void of patriotism, as to be simply desirous means of giving them the heaviest blows? of serving France, without a primary regard The force of this objection was felt by the to what they considered would best conduce minority, whose language we have already to the interests of their own country. It may be asked, however, how could it enter

quoted: "If it were deemed expedient (they urged) to exercise our right of selecting our

because of a war begun with such means as our rulers had prepared, and conducted in the mode they seem resolved to pursue, we see no grounds to hope the honourable and successful termination."

of all existing differences, inasmuch as, by the confession of the present secretary of state, satisfactory and honourable arrangements might easily be made, by which the abuses resulting from the impressment of our seamen, might, in future, be effectually prevented-Therefore,

Resolved, That we shall be constrained to consider the determination on the part of our rulers to continue the present war, after official notice of the revocation of the British Orders in Council, as affording conclusive evidence, that the war has been undertaken from motives entirely distinct from those which have been hitherto avowed, and for the promotion of objects wholly unconnected with the interest and honour of the American nation.

sense dictated the choice of an enemy, from whose hostility we had nothing to dread: A war with France would equally have satisfied our insulted honour, and at the same time, instead of annihilating, would have revived and extended our commerce-and even the evils of "Whereas the late revocation of the British Buch a contest would have been mitigated by Orders in Council, has removed the great and the sublime consolation, that by our efforts we ostensible cause of the present war, and prewere contributing to arrest the progress of des-pared the way for an immediate accommodation potism in Europe, and essentially serving the great interests of freedom and humanity throughout the world. Because a republican government, depending solely for its support on the wishes and affections of the people, ought never to declare a war, into which the great body of the nation are not prepared to enter with seal and alacrity; as where the justice and necessity of the measure are not so apparent as to unite all parties in its support, its inevitable tendency is, to augment the dissentions that have before existed, and by exasperating party violence to its utmost height, prepare the way for civil war. Because, before a war was declared, it was perfectly well ascertained, that a vast majority of the people in the middle and northern states, by whom the burden and expenses of the contest must be borne almost exResolved, That we contemplate with abhorclusively, were strongly opposed to the measure. rence, even the possibility of an alliance with Because we see no rational prospect of attaining, the present Emperor of France, every action by force of arms, the objects for which our of whose life has demonstated, that the attainrulers say we are conteding-and because the ment, by any means, of universal empire, and evils and distresses which the war must of the consequent extinction of every vestige of necessity occasion, far overbalance any advan- freedom, are the sole objects of his incessant, tages we can expect to derive from it. Because unbounded, and remorseless ambition. His the great power of England on the ocean, and arms, with the spirit of freemen, we might the amazing resources she derives from com- openly and fearlessly encounter; but, of his merce and navigation, render it evident, that we cannot compel her to respect our rights and satisfy our demands, otherwise than by a successful maritime warfare; the means of conducting which we not only do not possess, but our rulers have obstinately refused to provide. Because the exhausted state of the treasury, occasioned by the destruction of the revenue derived from commerce, should the war continue, will render necessary a resort to loans and taxes to a vast amount-measures by which the people will be greatly burthened, and oppressed, and the influence and patronage of the executive alarmingly increased. And, finally,

secret arts, his corrupting influence, we entertain a dread we can neither conquer nor conceal. It is therefore with the utmost distrust and alarm, that we regard his late professions of attachment and love to the American people, fully recollecting, that his invariable course has been, by perfidious offers of protection, by deceitful professions of friendship, to lull his intended victims into the fatal sleep of confidence and security, during which, the chains of despotism are silently wound round and rivetted on them."

In the same strain, during the debate on

was to be settled by a calculation of profit and loss. France had numerous allies,-England

adversary, prudence and common sense dic-" Everything in the United States," says tated the choice of an enemy, from whose James, in his Naval History, hostility we had nothing to dread. A war with France would equally have satisfied our insulted honour, and, at the same time, scarcely any. France had no contiguous instead of annihilating, would have revived territory; England had the Canadas ready and extended our commerce."* But there to be marched into at a moment's notice. were countervailing considerations falling France had no commerce; England had in with, whilst, on the other hand, every richly-laden merchantmen traversing every cause of complaint against France was sea. England, therefore, it was against borne along and overwhelmed by the current whom the death-blows of America were to of the popular antipathy to Great Britain. be levelled."* These considerations, no

the War-Report, did Mr. Randolph speak in all reclamation for the unparalleled outrages Congress:

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insults and injuries" of the French government-to give up our claim for plundered milThis war of conquest (he said), a war for the ac- lions, and asked what reparation or atonement quisition of territory and subjects, is to be a new they could expect to obtain in hours of future commentary on the doctrine that republics are dalliance, after they should have made a tender destitute of ambition-that they are addicted to of their persons to this great deflowerer of the peace, wedded to the happiness and safety of virginity of republics. We had by our own the great body of their people. But it seems wise (he would not say wise-acre) measures, so this is to be a holiday çampaign-there is to be increased the trade and wealth of Montreal and no expense of blood, or treasure, on our part Quebec, that at last we began to cast a wistful -Canada is to conquer herself-she is to be eye at Canada. Having done so much towards subdued by the principles of fraternity. The its improvement by the exercise of "our repeople of that country are first to be seduced strictive energies," we began to think the from their allegiance, and converted into trai- laborer worthy of his hire, and to put in claim tors, as preparatory to the making them good for our portion. Suppose it ours-are we any citizens. Although he must acknowledge that nearer to our point? As his minister said to some of our flaming patriots were thus manu- the king of Epirus, "may we not as well take factured, he did not think the process would our bottle of wine before as after this exploit ?" hold good with a whole community. It was a Go! march to Canada!-leave the broad bosom dangerous experiment. We were to succeed of the Chesapeake, and her hundred tributary in the French mode, by the system of frater-rivers-the whole line of sen-coast from Machias nization-all is French!-but how dreadfully to St. Mary's, unprotected:-You have taken it might be retorted on the southern and west- Quebec-have you conquered England? Will ern slaveholding states. He detested this you seek for the deep foundations of her power subornation of treason. No-if he must have in the frozen deserts of Labrador?" them, let them fall by the valor of our arms, by fair legitimate conquest; not become the victims of treacherous seduction.

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Mr. Randolph then proceeded to notice the unjust and illiberal imputation of British attachments, against certain characters in this country,

He was gratified to find gentlemen acknow-sometimes insinuated in that house, but openly ledging the demoralizing and destructive con- avowed out of it. Against whom were these sequences of the non-importation law-confess-charges brought? Against men who in the ing the truth of all that its opponents foretold when it was enacted-and will you plunge yourselves in war, because you have passed a foolish and ruinous law, and are ashamed to repeal it? "But our good friend the French emperor stands in the way of its repeal," and as we cannot go too far in making sacrifices to him, who has given such demonstration of his love for the Americans, we must, in point of fact, become.parties to his war. "Who can be so cruel as to refuse him this favour?"-His imagination shrunk from the miseries of such a connection. He called upon the house to reflect whether they were not about to abandon

*Resolutions of the New York Delegates.

war of the revolution were in the council of the nation, or fighting the battles of your country. And by whom were they made? By run-aways chiefly from the British dominions, since the breaking out of the French troubles. He indignantly said-it is insufferable. It cannot be borne. It must and ought, with severity, to be put down in this house-and out of it to meet the lie direct. We have no fellow feeling for the suffering and oppressed Spaniards! Yet even them we do not reprobate. Strange! that we should have no objection to any other people or government, civilized or savage, in the whole

doubt, powerfully contributed to attract the work. The Government of the United explosion and the shock of war on Britain; States, and Mr. Madison's Administration but, allowing to these their undeniable in- more particularly, may not have had prefluence, we are perfectly satisfied, notwith- cisely "a secret understanding with standing, that it was not merely the com- France:" but there are circumstances, on parison of advantages or risks; it was not that head, which-it must be owned-look solely the answer returned by the oracle of extremely suspicious. It is curious, at least, republican shrewdness to the question, to observe how exactly their proceedings con"Whether more were to be gained from a tributed to aid the policy of Napoleon Buonawar with Great Britain than with France?" parte. Their embargo, non-intercourse, and which brought the controversy to its deplor-non-importation acts were, in name, imparable issue. There were other motives at tial, for they were avowedly directed against

world. The great autocrat of all the Russias these troops for nothing. No nation can safely receives the homage of our high consideration. engage in a foreign war without being prepared The dey of Algiers and his divan of pirates are for it when they take the resolution. Are you very civil good sort of people, with whom we prepared? Your secretary at war has told find no difficulty in maintaining the relations of gentlemen that even blankets could not be peace and amity-"Turks, Jews and infidels," procured; and you saw a letter from him yesMelimeli, or the Little Turtle, barbarians and terday, which informed you that the small supsavages of every clime and color, are welcome plies for the Indians could not be had without to our arms. With chiefs of banditti, negro or a relaxation of your commercial restrictions. mulatto, we can treat and can trade. Name, Will you send your soldiers to Canada without however, but England, and all our antipathies blankets? Or do you calculate to take it by are up in arms against her. Against whom? the end of the summer, and return home to a Against those whose blood runs in our own more genial clime by the next winter! This veins; in common with whom we can claim would be well enough; but I think it will reShakspeare and Newton, and Chatham for our quire several compaigns to conquer Canada. countrymen: whose form of government is the You will act absurdly if you expect the peofreest on earth, our own only excepted; from ple of that country to join you. Upper Cawhom every valuable principle of our own in-nada is inhabited by emigrants from the United stitutions has been borrowed-representation-States. They will not come back to you; they jury trial-voting the supplies-writs of habeas will not, without reason, desert the government, corpus-our whole civil and criminal jurispru- to whom they have gone for protection. No, dence against our fellow Protestants identified sir, you must conquer it by force, not by sowin blood, in language, in religion with our-ing the seeds of sedition and treason among the selves." people.

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Mr. Sheffey, too, of Virginia, spoke, with equally moral courage, the language of truth, and justice, and common sense:

But, suppose you raise the men, what will Great Britain be doing in the mean time? Will she be asleep? You march to Canada:. where will be your security at home? will you desert your own country; will you leave your cities to You have been told that you could raise be sacrificed, plundered and sacked, for the volunteers to atchieve the possession of Canada. sterile deserts of Canada, of Nova Scotia, and Where are these volunteers? I have seen none New-Brunswick, and all the frozen regions of of these patriotic men who were willing to go the north? Sir, go to Canada, and you will to Canada in the private rank; all of them want soon have to recal your army to defend your offices. You may raise a few miserable wretches southern soil; to rescue your people from rapine for your army, who would disgrace the service, and destruction. You will have to employ your and only serve as unprincipled minions to their energies in protecting the south from British officers. Will your farmers' sons enlist in your invasion. Sir, will the little force you leave at army? They will not, sir. Look at the army home, be able to oppose the power of British of '98. It had twelve or fifteen regiments 74's? Look at Copenhagen. It is true, sir, as nominally. It was disbanded in eighteen honourable gentlemen say, that I am secure months; when half the men had not been raised. beyond the Alleghany, after eastern states shall Why, sir, you had more patriotism on paper have fallen. Liberty is there secure! But as then even than you have now; and yet you a member of this confederacy, I cannot consent could not raise half the forces for your army. to exchange my present situation for such a If you pass the bill; you will not raise twenty-state of things." five thousand men in three years. The object * of the war may by that time vanish. The nation will be saddled with all the vast

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"He knew gentlemen would stare at him, expenses of when he contended that they were going to

both of the belligerents; but, in reality, they in the revolutionary Congress who set their were far from pressing equally on both; for, faces against concluding peace with Great whilst they scarcely molested France, with Britain on terms not sanctioned by France; her inconsiderable American commerce, and who, in strict consistency with their they inflicted an injury that was felt, on vehement French predilections, attempted a Great Britain, accustomed, as she had been, censure on Mr. Jay and Mr. Adams, because to find, before the enactment of those mea- they had negotiated a treaty of peace, withsures, a large and profitable market in the out the consent of the French Government, United States. In the manufacturing towns though that treaty was honourable and adof France no popular commotions were pro- vantageous to the United States. It is well voked by the commercial restrictions of the known that Washington laboured, in every United States: those restrictions were the possible way, even to the length of risking main agent in exciting the most alarming his popularity, to maintain and perpetuate riots in Manchester, Sheffield, and other friendly relations with Great Britain; but parts of England, where large numbers of Mr. Madison opposed his pacific mission to operatives found themselves cut off from the that country in 1794; and, about the same ordinary sources of employment and sub- time, whilst the revolutionary rulers of sistence. Little did France, in her mad France were ferociously plunging through immolation of her best and bravest to the their dreadful career of massacre and confisphantom of military glory, appreciate or cation, Mr. Madison, at that frightful epoch heed the loss of an extinguished commerce; of human calamity, stepped forward in whilst Britain, dependent on her commerce Congress to commence that warfare against for the means of protracted resistance, felt British commerce, which he afterwards the wound,―her Parliament besieged with waged with so much determination,-introthe petitions of suffering millions; her ducing resolution: which, it is worth retowns distracted with violent mobs; and the marking, were the same in character with bankruptcies of her merchants year by year Buonaparte's continental system. We have increasing. Mr. Jefferson's and Mr. Madi- styled that continental system, as embodied son's measures were certainly impartial, in in the Berlin and Milan Decrees, a commername; far from impartial, in effect. In cial excommunication of Great Britain,regard to Mr. Madison's personal feelings, view which the American merchants did, in there is nothing to make it improbable, but a body, take of Buonaparte's enormous premuch to the contrary, that they were iden- tensions; but Mr. Madison represented acts, tical with those of Mr. Jefferson, to whose which virtually excluded Great Britain from school in politics he belonged, whose Secre- the pale of civilized nations, and were detary of State he had been, and whose influ-vised with the avowed purpose of destroying ence was exerted for his election to the Pre- her, as mere "municipal regulations." sidency. Mr. Madison was one of that party

And, though the ships of his own nation, if detected in the "infamous guilt" of trading with, or through England, were by the Milan Decree, declared to be denationwar against Great Britain, while she was strug-alized, and were, in fact, confiscated, with gling for the liberties of the world. But this their cargoes, there was queralousness, it is had great weight on his mind. She was the only power that stemmed the torrent of univer- true, in his communications with the French sal despotism. He had little experience in the human heart, who believed that there would remain any security for us after the maritime dominion, as well as the dominion of the land should be consecrated in the hands of the great Napoleon. These conquerors had always been the same. When they had subdued the world. they sat down and shed tears because they could find no other world to conquer. Our victory

over Great Britain would be our defeat."

Government, but there was nothing that sounded of war. Our convictions, however, of the more than sympathy, of the cooperation of Mr. Madison with France,—are founded chiefly on his secret manoeuvering in connection with the blockade of 1806. The history of the thing is curious; and, though it may not weigh with all of our readers as it has done with us, we fancy

that those to whom it may be new will be, sufficiently examined this curious case, they equally with ourselves, interested in it. We may attach what force they think is due to give it, therefore, below, as we find it in the the only observation we intend to add to this London Quarterly Review, of September, head, viz., that Mr. Madison-it has been 1812; composed of extracts from the New asserted-sent out a copy of his war message England Farme's pamphlet previously to France, in the Wasp; and that this is not noticed by us, together with the Reviewer's the only circumstance which affords reason observations.* When our readers have for believing that France for some time be

* What shall we say if it appear that this first aggression of 1806, which is now represented 88 the immediate cause of the Berlin Decree, was, for the first time, suggested by Mr. Madison, in 1806, (through General Armstrong to Buonaparte,) as a justifiable cause of the French decree?—that this blockade of 1806, which was approved by Mr. Munroe, was not objected against by Mr. Jefferson in 1808,-was not even mentioned by Mr. Madison in the arrangement made with Mr. Erskine in 1809-but that this great and atrocious injury done to France and America, forgotten, neglected, and not once adverted to in four years' negociation,—was brought forward, for the first time, to make a principal figure in 1810, for the express purpose, as it would seem, of throwing in the way invincible obstacles to any adjustment with Great Britain? Let us hear the farmers' on the subject.

upon the continent on equal terms, the only weapons which God and her own valour had placed within her power."

for swindling Great Britain out of her maritime The next step was to transmit this project rights to Mr. Pinckney, the American minister in London, who accordingly demanded of Lord Wellesley whether Great Britain considered any, and if any, what blockades of the French coast, of a date anterior to the Berlin Decree, in force?' Lord Wellesley briefly answered, that the blockade of May, 1806, was comprehended in the Order of Council of January, 1807, which was yet in force.' A month afterwards, 7th March, 1810, Mr. Pinckney again asked whether the order of May, 1806, was merged in that of January, 1807?' to which Lord Wellesley replied that it was comprehended under the more extensive orders of January, 1807.'

"The first notice of it, as far as we can find, is in a letter from General Armstrong to with Lord Wellesley's answers, wrote to GeneMr. Pinckney, though not quite satisfied Mr. Smith, our secretary of state, of January ral Armstrong, 28th, 1810, in which he details a conversation was, that the blockade of May, 1806, is virtuthat the inference from them which he had held with Count Champagny, the ally at an end, being merged and comprehended French minister. In that letter Mr. Armstrong in an Order of Council issued after the date of refers to a letter of December 1st, 1809, from the Berlin Decree.' Mr. Smith to himself, which has never been pub-did not suit any of the intriguing parties; and This inference, however, lished, in which he is directed to demand of General Armstrong does not seem to have France-Whether, if Great Britain revoked her thought it necessary to ruffle the repose of his blockades of a date anterior to the decree commonly Imperial Majesty, by submitting the point to called the Berlin Decree, His Majesty the Emperor M. Champagny; at least nothing farther apwould consent to revoke that decree ?" To which pears till the extraordinary letter of the Duo the Emperor, falling into the views of our gov-de Cadore, in which the Berlin and Milan Deernment, and foreseeing the snare which would be laid for Great Britain, insomuch as, if she consented to repeal said orders, it would be an admission that she had been the aggressor upon neutral commerce, and further, it would be an admission that she had no right to exert her only force, her maritime power, for the coercion of her enemy, replied "That the ONLY condition required for the revocation of the decree of Berlin, will be a previous revocation by Great Britain of her blockades of France, or ports of France, of a date anterior to the aforesaid decree."

"So far the plot went on prosperously; and if Great Britain had fallen into the project, it would have been made the pretext for preventing any future blockades of even single ports of France, in which armaments for her destruction, or the destruction of her commerce, should be formed; and she would have relinquished to an enemy, whom she cannot attack

crees are premised to be repealed, provided Great Britain will repeal her orders, and 'rewishes to establish:'-' terms,' says the Farmnounce her principles of blockade which she er, which every man will perceive might be construed to amount to the surrender of all her maritime rights.'

between our cabinet and that of France, that "That there was a secret understanding Great Britain should be required to annul her blockades of a date anterior to the Berlin Decree, and that this suggestion first came from our cabinet, will appear from the two following extracts of letters from our secretary Smith, to Mr. Pinckney; the one is dated in July, 1810, in which he says, "you will let it be distinctly understood that the repeal must necessarily include an annulment of the blockade of May, 1806; this is the explanation which will be given by our minister at Paris to the