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CHAP.

VIII.

gaged all the produce of land, and all the land itself? Who can answer that, when we come to such extremities, or have them more nearly in prospect, ten millions of 1710. people will consent to be mere hewers of wood and drawers of water, to maintain the two-hundredth part of that number in ease and plenty ? Who can answer that the whole body of the people will suffer themselves to be treated, in favour of a handful of men, as the poor Indians are in favour of the Spaniards; to be parcelled out in lots, as it were, and to be assigned, like these Indians to the Spanish planters, to toil and starve for the proprietors of the several funds?" Probably most persons will be of opinion that these questions suggest matter for serious and anxious thought, even with all the experience we have since had of the prodigious resources which the industry and activity of Great Britain can develop. It may be conceived, then, what a sensation they produced, when the funding system, introduced with the Revolution, was yet in its infancy; when the capability of the nation to bear an increase of burdens was unknown, and when all the obloquy arising1 Dissert. from so rapid and alarming an increase of the public Bolingdebts and burdens was, alike by friends and enemies, Works, iii. directed against the victorious general, who alone, it was edit. 1809. said, profited by them!1

on Parties,

broke's

296, 297

of the evils

of.

And in truth Marlborough bore the brunt of the 49. whole. Yet nothing could be more unjust than this Real causes concentration of the public discontent on his head, when complained in reality the evils complained of were the direct and unavoidable consequences of the great convulsion by which the family on the throne had been changed. It was no fault of Marlborough that the nation, since the Revolution, had been involved in almost constant wars;

VIII.

1710.

CHAP. they had only to thank him for having rendered them for the last ten years constantly successful. The real cause of the warfare, and of the enormous increase of the debt to which it had given rise, was the ambition of Louis XIV., which had arrayed all Europe in a league against him, and the Revolution of 1688, which had placed England at its head. Great as had been, and were destined to be, the benefits of that change, it was attended in the first instance by most disastrous consequences. No nation, even for the most just of causes, can overturn an existing government without suffering deeply for it, especially in its pecuniary interests. France felt this bitterly after its two successful revolutions in 1789 and 1830; England felt it with almost equal severity after the expulsion of the Stuarts. The "unbought loyalty of men, the cheap defence of nations,” was at an end. Generous attachment to the crown being no longer to be relied on, the foundations of government required to be laid in the selfish interests of its supporters. Corruption on a great scale became necessary to maintain the authority of government; the contraction of debt became a part of its policy, to interest the public creditors in the existing order of things. Parliamentary influence had come in place of prerogative. The king did nothing of his own authority; but he got an obsequious Parliament to do whatever he desired. The national debt and public taxes grew alike with the external dangers and internal insecurity of the new government. These evils had no connection with Marlborough ; but they were all imputed to him, because of his great influence and colossal fame, and because he was the visible head of the war party. Hence the general obloquy with which he was assailed.

Men will

impute evils under which they suffer to anything but the real cause-their own conduct.

CHAP.

VIII.

1710.

50.

him among

party.

But it was not only among the populace and his political opponents that these prejudices prevailed; his Envy of greatness and fame had become an object of envy to his own his own party. Orford, Wharton, and Halifax had on many occasions evinced their distrust of him; and even Somers, who had long stood his friend, was inclined to think the power of the Duke of Marlborough too great, and the emoluments and offices of his family and connections immoderate. The Duchess inflamed the discord between him and the Queen, by positively refusing to come to any reconciliation with her rival, Mrs Masham. The discord increased daily, and great were the efforts made to aggravate it. To the Queen, the never-failing device was adopted of representing the victorious general as lording it over the throne; as likely to eclipse even the crown by the lustre of his fame; as too dangerous and powerful a subject for a sovereign to tolerate. Matters came to such a pass, in the course of the summer of 1710, that Marlborough found himself thwarted in every request he made, in every project he proposed; and he had serious thoughts of resigning his command, but was dissuaded by his friends, who were well aware that such a step would lead to the immediate downfall of their party, and introduce one to power which Marlwould at once abandon the whole objects of the Grand the Duchess, July 26, Alliance. He retained the command, therefore, from a 1710. Coxe, sense of duty, and with great reluctance; and expressed Cunninghis acquiescence with the emphatic expression, that he 279-282. was a "mere sheet of white paper, upon which his friends 230. might write what they pleased."1

Matters between the Queen and the Duchess were

borough to

v. 203.

ham, ii.

Conduct,

CHAP.

VIII.

1710. 51.

view of the

the Duchess

rough.

brought to a final issue on 3d April 1710, when they had their last interview. This favour was only awarded by her Majesty after repeated requests, and, as MarlFinal inter- borough had predicted of all interviews where mutual Queen and reproaches were the principal theme, ended only in of Marlbo widening the breach. She was kept waiting long in the antechamber, and, on being admitted, the Queen said to her, with some embarrassment, "I was just going to write to you whatever you have to say, put it in writing." The Duchess remonstrated against not being permitted to state it verbally; and added, "There are those about your Majesty who have charged me with saying things which I am no more capable of than I am of killing my own children: I never speak of your Majesty but in company, and then always with due respect.""Without doubt," rejoined the Queen, "there are many lies told."-" I only beg," replied the Duchess, "that you will inform me of what particulars I have been accused; because this only can enable me to clear myself. I am confident your Majesty would not treat me with so much harshness, if you could believe that my only object is to do myself justice, and not to ask a favour.""You desired no answer," replied the Queen," and you shall have none."* The Duchess still continued to remonstrate; upon which the Queen again said, "You desired no answer, and you shall have none. I will quit the room." Upon this the Duchess burst into a flood of tears, and anxiously besought the

1 Conduct, 238-244.

Marlborough's Private

295. Coxe,

Corres. i. Queen to tell her who were her accusers; but she could v. 205-207. obtain no other answer but the words, "You desired no answer, and shall have none."1 Perceiving it fruit

* Alluding to an expression in the Duchess's letter, that all she had to say in her vindication would not oblige the Queen to answer her.

VIII.

less to continue the contest, the Duchess made her CHAP. obeisance, and said, "I am confident you will suffer in this world and the next for this inhumanity."-" That is my business," replied the Queen, and the Duchess withdrew.

1710.

52.

ment of

of Shrews

Lord-Cham

the Queen

After such a scene, which too literally fulfilled all Marlborough's predictions as to the utter fruitlessness of Appointall attempts, by explanations, to reconcile hearts which the Duke once were united, and have become severed, it was im- bury as possible that even the terms of ordinary civility could be berlain by kept up; and, accordingly, they never met again. The alone. same post which brought to the Duke, at the commencement of his diplomatic career at the Hague, the account of this painful scene, brought the intelligence of the unexpected appointment of the Duke of Shrewsbury to the office of Lord-Chamberlain, without the concurrence, or even suspicion, of any member of the administration. This was a decisive proof that the Queen was governed by secret counsellors apart from her official advisers, for the office of Lord-Chamberlain is too important a situation in any, but especially a Queen's palace, to be ever disposed of but by the responsible ministers of the crown. Harley, who by this important change was paving the way for an entire change of administration, never displayed his extreme judgment and tact more than in this appointment. Of all the noblemen in England, Shrewsbury was the most remarkable for politeness of demeanour, suavity of manners, and conciliatory temper. King William used to say of him, he was "the only minister that pleased both Whig and Tory;" and from his general popularity he was designated the "King of Hearts." He was a man of honour and probity, as well as most engaging manners, and having been a prime mover in the

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