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1710.

and concluded with these words: "My concern for CHAP. Lord Marlborough's honour and reputation in the world, and the great trouble he expresses on this occasion, brings me to beg of your Majesty on my knees, that you would only defer this thing till there is peace, or an end of the campaign; and after such an expression your Conduct, Majesty can have no doubt of my ever entering into Anne to anything that can displease you." To this letter the MarlboQueen returned no answer; the next day Sunderland 12, 1710. was dismissed, and all correspondence between them 281-290. thereafter ceased.1

254. Queen

Duchess of

rough, June

Coxe, v.

67.

sures of

divide the

Though secure of cordial support from the throne in his attempt to dispossess the Whigs, Harley was yet Artful measagacious enough to see that it was necessary to proceed Harley to cautiously, and that a precipitate step might prove fatal Whigs. to the design. A union in the cabinet, joined to the great name and influence of the Duke of Marlborough, had more than once already caused a similar effort to miscarry. Impressed with these ideas, he proceeded step by step; and his first care was to sow disunion among the Whig noblemen, from whom the most strenuous opposition might be anticipated. This was no difficult matter, now that the real inclinations of the sovereign had by a decisive act been made known; it is surprising how readily courtiers find pretences for veering round to the known wishes of the sovereign. The address of Shrewsbury, the influence of Somerset, were successfully employed by this arch-diplomatist to produce dissension among their former friends. Orford was expecting the garter, which he hoped to obtain from the influence of the Duke of Shrewsbury. "Wharton," as Maynwaring said, "had been long nibbling with Mrs. Masham;" the Duke of Newcastle was on the most

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1710.

CHAP. friendly terms with her and Harley, and hoped to retain his situation as Lord Privy Seal through their influence. Halifax was the first who threw off the mask; he was won by his appointment as one of the joint plenipotentiaries at the Hague, in opposition to the strenuous advice of Marlborough.* Even Somers, who was the most conscientious of the Whig leaders, and had long been a firm friend of Marlborough, began to waver in his fidelity, and listened respectfully to the representations of the Queen that the influence of the Marlborough family had become too great, and that it was desirable to form a government in which he himself and the leading Whigs might form a part, but from which the connections of the great family might be excluded. In truth, their influence was already at an end, as was evinced soon after in two subordinate but still very important appointments. The first of these was the removal of Lord Coningsby from the office of ViceTreasurer of Ireland, for no other reason but his devotion to Marlborough, who was succeeded by the Earl of Anglesea, a decided Tory; and the refusal to nominate, on the Duke's application, Lord Raby as one of the Commissioners of the Board of Trade. "I supv. 301-303. pose," said the Duke on hearing of the refusal, “that Cunningham, ii. 305. the place is designed for some particular favourite that

1 Marlborough to Godolphin, July 14, 1710. Coxe,

is to be provided for."1

A still more serious because more public blight was

"By the account Mr Craggs gives me of England, I think everything that is bad may be expected. Lord Halifax being employed in the manner he is seems to me very extraordinary, for I cannot comprehend how it should be agreeable either to the Whigs or Tories, or that he himself at this juncture should care to be thus employed; but so many extraordinary things happen every day that I wonder at nothing."-Marlborough to the Duchess, July 24, 1710; Coxe, v. 298.

up,

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1710.

68.

sion of Mr

Hanover,

hours who dies,

and Marl

magnani

hearing

put on Marlborough, at this period, by a very singular CHAP. and mysterious step, involving, it was evident, political results of the very highest importance. Mr Cresset was appointed by the Queen on a secret mission to Secret misHanover, the object of which was concealed both from Cresset to Godolphin and Marlborough. He died a few before his departure; but before his death he saw borough's his papers sealed and ordered them to be delivered mity on to Mr Harley. The Lord-Treasurer observed "that of it. Mr Harley betrayed great marks of confusion when he heard of this, and was not relieved till the papers were in his possession." It was known both to Godolphin and Marlborough that the object of this mission was to offer the command of the army in Flanders to the Elector of Hanover, in order to get quit of the influence which it gave to the latter of these statesmen. This was revealed to Marlborough by the Elector himself, who, in a frequent and confidential correspondence, expressed his determination not to accept the command, evinced the most perfect reliance on the good faith of the Duke, expressed his lively concern for the stroke levelled at him in the dismissal of his son-in-law, and earnestly deprecated any further changes in the ministry, or dissolution of Parliament. Marlborough received the intelligence in a noble spirit. In a letter to Godolphin he observed, "I know, by the commission Mr Cresset was charged with, what you and I were to expect. When I see you, you have the particulars, and how I came to be informed of this business. When I tell you the whole, I think you will be of opinion that it is impossible they should trust the Queen with their whole design, for it is directly tying her hand and foot. I beg you will never mention that to anybody; for though I

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think I shall have the glory of saving the Queen, she VIII. must know nothing of it. I am very sensible of the 1710. hard usage I have met with; but my own honour and

my love for my country must not suffer me to take anything ill of the Queen, but attribute my cruel usage to the malice of my enemies. Our extravagant behaviour in England has so encouraged the French that they take measures as if the war were but just beginning ; so that our new ministers will be extremely deceived, for, the greater desire they shall express for peace, the less they will have it in their power to obtain it. For our enemies live by no other hopes but that the Allies will rough to not have the same confidence which has hitherto been, Godolphin, Aug. 16, but quarrel amongst themselves; which I pray God v. 304, 305. may not happen, and then everything must go well,-I

1 Marlbo

1710. Coxe,

69.

duct of Marlbo

mean abroad."1

The Duke, however, was well aware that his tenure of Noble con- power now hung by a thread, and could not, by any possibility, be prolonged beyond a few months. His great anxiety, therefore, was extreme, during the brief the Duchess period that his tenure of power was allotted to him, to

rough, and his wise advice to

at this crisis.

do nothing unworthy of his character, or that might compromise his great reputation. Of this he had no fears, for his words and his actions were in his own keeping. But a more difficult task awaited him in moderating the transports and restraining the impetuosity of the Duchess, whose affection for her husband was deeply wounded by the treatment which he had undergone; while her ambition was not less mortified by the total extinction of her influence at court, where she still held a prominent and responsible situation. He was indefatigable, therefore, in his efforts, unhappily attended with little success, to keep her within the bounds of

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temper and moderation. "It is impossible,” said he, CHAP. "to be more sensible than I am of the outrages I meet with; but since everybody thinks I must have patience 1710. I must suffer for three or four months. I beg you to believe that I know the Duke of Shrewsbury so well that it shall not be in his power to impose upon me. I was in hopes you had taken your resolution of staying in the country till my return, and of never being prevailed upon to write again to the Queen, which I beg you will continue firm to; for, as things are, you must expect neither reason nor justice, but, on the contrary, all the brutality imaginable. I am prepared for the worst. I shall consult my honour and my best friends as to my behaviour, so that I may have nothing to reproach myself; and for your behaviour, I beg you will make not one step but as my opinion may go along with you for it is not enough, in an ungrateful age, to have reason on our side, but, as things are, we must be seen to act with prudence and temper: so that again I beg of you to trust nobody but me, who love you, and will be tenderly kind to you as long as I have life. Your honour and reputation are safe with me; therefore, do not be provoked to say or do anything that may give our enemy an advantage. It is most certain, the Queen has been prevailed upon to use both you and me Marlbobarbarously; but nothing should be said disrespect- Duchess, fully; for she would not act so if she were not influ- 31, 1710. enced by others who follow their own interest more than 309, 310. hers."1

The anticipations of the hero, as to an entire change of men and measures, were realised even sooner than he expected. Godolphin and he were under the impression that no material change would be made till after a new

rough to the

July 17 and

Coxe, v.

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