CHAP. X. 1714. Mrs (who had lately been created Lady) Masham was the principal agent on behalf of the exiled family, and was the channel by which continual representations were made to the Queen from the courts of Versailles and St Germains. She worked not without success on the family affections of the sovereign, her natural preference of her own line over that of the Hanover family-to whom the succession opened by Act of Parliament—and her now openly-avowed adoption of Tory principles in government. On the other hand, the Duchess of Somerset, who might be called the head of the Tory Protestant party at court, worked not less assiduously in magnifying the dangers to the Reformed faith, and the risk of fresh convulsions, not only if the exiled family were restored, but if any decisive steps were taken towards their restoration. The Queen, who was now advanced in years, and declining in health, long floated in a state of uncertainty between these contending parties—her secret partialities impelling her one way, 1 Coxe, vi. her reason and judgment inclining another; and to the 253, 254. mental anxiety which this conflict produced, her death at 319, 320. no distant period is in a great degree to be ascribed.1 Conduct, 7. ford and broke in The cabinet, as is usual in such cases, contained within itself the heads of the rival parties whose opposite opin- And of Oxions distracted the royal breast and divided the nation. BolingHarley, now Earl of Oxford, was the head of the one; the cabinet. St John, now Viscount Bolingbroke, the chief of the other. Oxford was prime-minister, and enjoyed the chief confidence of the sovereign; and he was sincerely attached to the Protestant succession, although in the struggle for power, and to secure a majority in Parliament for the separate peace, he had not scrupled to pay court to the Jacobites in Great Britain, and even to CHAP. X. 1714. enter for a time into the views of the court of St Ger- seemed to favour the interests of the Tories, he was indefatigable in his efforts to court the Whigs, and support the Elector of Hanover, whom he regarded as the real and constitutional heir to the throne. Bolingbroke, on the other hand, brilliant in conversation, powerful in eloquence, fascinating in manner, but dissipated in morals and reckless in conduct, was rapidly gaining ground, though in the subordinate situation of Foreign Secretary, on the astute Premier, both by his great abilities, and by the entire coincidence of his feelings and principles with the confirmed partialities of the sovereign. He was devoted heart and soul to the cause of the exiled family, and looked confidently forward to their restoration. He was intrusted with the secret designs of the court of St Germains, and was daily rendering their party in Great Britain more formidable by his frank 253, 254. conciliating manners, and the undisguised preference evinced for him by his royal mistress.1 1 Coxe, vi. 8. Strange mixture of parties in the Houses ment. The new Parliament, as is usual on the eve of a political crisis or civil convulsion, exhibited a strange confusion of parties, and rendered it difficult to say to which of Parlia side, if an emergency arose, the majority would incline. The Tories had a considerable majority—not less, if they were united, than a third of the whole House; but they were split into two sections-those who favoured, and those who opposed, the Hanoverian succession; and this division would, to all appearance, range them on opposite sides on the demise of the reigning sovereign. The X. 1714. Scotch Jacobites, both in the Lords and Commons, would, CHAP. of course, unite with the latter of these sections; and they were of importance, from their courage, their fidelity, and their command of the warlike mountaineers of Caledonia. The Whigs were consistent and united, and the steady friends of the Hanoverian succession; but they were out of power-were in a minority, since the last election and creation of Peers, in both Houses-and in a still smaller minority of the whole empire. In these circumstances, it was difficult to say to which party, on the question of the succession opening, victory would incline. Bolingbroke sketched the real state of parties with his usual graphic felicity, in these words,—“ In both Houses there are the best dispositions I ever saw; but I am sorry to tell you their plans are unimproved : the Whigs pursue their plan in good order, and in concert. The Tories stand at gaze, expect the Court to lead them on, and the Court seems in a lethargy. The minority, and that minority unpopular, must get the better of the majority, who have the sense of the nation on their side. All that can be done is doing to prevail on our friend, the Lord-Treasurer, to alter his measures; to renew a confidence with the Tories, and a spirit in them; and to give a regular motion to all the wheels of govern- 1 Bolingment. I am sanguine enough to hope that we shall pre- Lord Strafvail. You shall hear from me again the moment I see resp. ii. 494. through the present confused workings of Court and ii. 478. Party." 1 This strange and unsatisfactory state of parties was strongly evinced in the measures of Parliament during the session of 1714. At one time the Commons passed, by a majority of seventy-six to sixty-four, a resolution, that the Protestant succession was not in danger; imme broke to ford, Cor Lockhart, 1714. 9. tory mea in contemplation of a rupture. CHAP. diately after, they gave the most decisive proof of their X. sense of the reality of the danger, by carrying in the Peers an address to the Queen, praying her to renew her Contradic application for the removal of the Pretender from Lorsures of the raine, and to issue a proclamation, offering a reward of Legislature £5000 for apprehending and bringing to justice the same Prince, if he should land in Great Britain. Meanwhile the Queen was silently, but most effectively, taking measures for the succession of her brother to the throne of England. The Jacobite clubs increased in number and boldness, even in the metropolis, at which the Pretender's health was openly proposed, without any notice being taken of the proceedings; the army was gradually remodelled, and colonels appointed to regiments, and governors to commands, notoriously in the Jacobite interest. The ferment in the public mind was rapidly increasing, when it was brought to a perfect climax by the Electoral Prince of Hanover, who had been created Duke of Cambridge, applying, by advice of the Whigs, for a writ summoning him to attend and take his place in Parliament, accompanied by the still more ominous declaration that he might be expected in England in person before the writ was issued. The Queen was violently agitated, and the Jacobite party thrown into consternation, by this unexpected motion; but as there was no pretext, far less a legal ground, on which it could be vi. 1335- refused, it was at length reluctantly conceded; and vi. 259-261. Baron Schutz, the Hanoverian minister, set out with the 1 Parl. Hist. 1338. Coxe, important writ for the court of Hanover.1 During these momentous crises, fraught with the future fate and destiny of Great Britain, Marlborough remained at Antwerp, corresponding actively with his friends both at home and abroad, and doing everything in his power X. 10. duct at this to secure the Protestant succession and ascent of the CHAP. Hanoverian family to the throne. He was perfectly firm to his principles, and acted throughout an open, 1714. resolute, and consistent part. Convinced that a counter- Marlborevolution was threatening at home, he sent General rough's conCadogan to make the requisite arrangements with Gene- crisis. ral Stanhope, and the other leaders of the Hanoverian party, to take measures, when the succession opened, for transporting troops from Dunkirk, which was still in the hands of the British, to London, and offered to put himself at their head. He wrote to the Elector of Hanover, offering to put £20,000 at his disposal, to secure his accession to the throne. So gratified were the Hanoverian family by these proofs of his fidelity, that rough to the Electress Sophia, the next in the succession, intrusted Nov. 30, him with a blank warrant, appointing him commander- pherson, ii. in-chief of her whole troops and garrisons on her acces- vi. 262-264. sion to the crown.1* The measures now openly taken by the cabinet of * "Ministers have affected to write to such princes not to receive the Pretender, into whose countries they are sure he will never come, and taken no step in earnest towards removing him out of Lorraine, notwithstanding the address of both Houses, and that his being there or in France is the same thing. To this must be added, the giving all employments, civil and military, to notorious Jacobites; the putting the governments of Scotland and Ireland into the hands of two persons who are known to be friends of the Pretender (Earl of Mar and Sir Constantine Phipps); the choosing sixteen lords to serve for Scotland, of whom two were with the Pretender last summer, and most of the rest declared Jacobites; the ministers receiving with such distinction Sir P. Lawless, and, under the pretence of his transacting the business of Spain, admitting him into their confidence and privacy, though an Irish Papist, and avowed agent of the Pretender; the violence and force used in the elections of members for the city of London, the invading the freedom of election all over the kingdom by corruption, oppression, and bribery, in order to get such persons chosen as are in the interest of the Pretender; and the animating the clergy to preach up hereditary and testamentary right, both which principles are destructive to the succession.”—Marlborough to Robethon, November 30, 1713; Hanover Papers, 1713. 1 Marlbo Robethon, 1713. Mac 173. Coxe, |