wholly distinct, with reference to construction and use, such as the making a musical instrument and the performing on it; but that politics comprehends both the framing a constitution, and the administration of it—τῆς δὲ πολιτικῆς ἐστι, καὶ πολιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς συστησασθαι, καὶ ὑπαρχούση χρήσ caobaι kaλws. And again, ('Polit.' iii. 9,) that political society is not mere living together, but communion for happiness and virtue τὸ ζῆν ευδαιμόνως καὶ καλῶς· τῶν καλῶν ἀρα πράξεων χάριν θετέον εἶναι την πολιτικὴν κοινωνίαν, ἀλλ' ου τοῦ συζῆν.

See also note to 'Appendix to Inaugural Lecture,' p. 90.

NOTE 15.-Page 388.

Dr. Arnold herc gives the substance of that saying of the Persian fatalist'ἐχθίστη δὲ ὀδόνη ἐστὶ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποισι αὕτη, πολλὰ φρονέοντα μηdevòs κpatéɛiv—which was so often in his mouth, and which expressed a solicitude so habitual and characteristic, that his biographer remarks that it “might stand as the motto of his whole mind,” (ch. ix.) It is found in Herodotus, ('Calliope' 16,) who relates that when Mardonius was encamped in Boeotia, before the battle of Platæa, he and fifty of his officers were invited to meet the same number of Thebans at a banquet, at which they reclined in pairs, a Persian and a Theban upon each couch. During the entertainment one of the Persians with many tears predicted to his Theban companion the speedy and utter destruction of the invading army; and, when asked why he used no influence with Mardonius to avert it, he answered "That which God hath determined, it is impossible for man to turn aside; for when one would give faithful counsel, nobody is willing to believe him. Although many of us Persians are aware of the end we are coming to, we still go on, because we are bound to our destiny; and this is the very bitterest of a man's griefs, to see clearly but to have no power to do any thing at all.”

NOTE 16.-Page 390.

"It has been well said that long periods of general suffering make far less impression on our minds, than the short sharp struggle in which a few distinguished individuals perish; not that we over-estimate the horror and the guilt of times of open bloodshed

The

ding, but we are much too patient of the greater misery and greater sin of periods of quiet legalized oppression; of that most deadly of all evils, when law, and even religion herself, are false to their divine origin and purpose, and their voice is no longer the voice of God, but of his enemy. In such cases the evil derives advantage, in a manner, from the very amount of its own enormity. No pen can record, no volume can contain the details of the daily and hourly sufferings of a whole people, endured without intermission, through the whole life of man, from the cradle to the grave. mind itself can scarcely comprehend the wide range of the mischief: how constant poverty and insult, long endured as the natural portion of a degraded caste, bear with them to the sufferers something yet worse than pain, whether of the body or the feelings; how they dull the understanding and poison the morals; how ignorance and ill-treatment combined are the parents of universal suspicion; how from oppression is produced habitual cowardice, breaking out when occasion offers into merciless cruelty; how slaves. become naturally liars; how they, whose condition denies them all noble enjoyments, and to whom looking forward is only despair, plunge themselves, with a brute's recklessness, into the lowest sensual pleasures; how the domestic circle itself, the last sanctuary of human virtue, becomes at length corrupted, and in the place of natural affection and parental care, there is to be seen only selfishness and unkindness, and no other anxiety on the part of the parents for their children, than that they may, by fraud or by violence, prey in their turn upon that society which they have found their bitterest enemy. Evils like these, long working in the heart of a nation, render their own cure impossible: a revolution may execute judgment on one generation, and that perhaps the very one which was beginning to see and to repent of its inherited sins; but it cannot restore life to the morally dead; and its ill success, as if in this line of evils no curse should be wanting, is pleaded by other oppressors as a defence of their own iniquity, and a reason for perpetuating it for ever.” History of Rome, vol. ii., p. 19.

NOTE 17.-Page 392.

"The siege of Orleans is one of the turning points in the history

of nations. Had the English dominion in France been established, no man can tell what might have been the consequence to England, which would probably have become an appendage to France. So little does the prosperity of a people depend upon success in war, that two of the greatest defeats we ever had have been two of our greatest blessings, Orleans and Bannockburn. It is curious, too, that in Edward II.'s reign the victory over the Irish proved our curse, as our defeat by the Scots turned out a blessing. Had the Irish remained independent, they might afterwards have been united to us, as Scotland was; and had Scotland been reduced to subjection, it would have been another curse to us, like Ireland."

* "Bannockburn," Dr. Arnold used to say, "ought to be celebrated by Englishmen as a national festival, and Athunree lamented as a national judgment."

'Life and Correspondence,' Appendix C, No. IX.

NOTE 18.-Page 393.

The little volume on the literature of France during the eighteenth century, by M. de Barante, appears to have been a favourite book with Dr. Arnold: he made some use of it as a text-book in Rugby School. The other reference in the Lecture is to the Mélanges Historiques et Littéraires,' of the same author.

NOTE 19.-Page 393.

It is the expression put into the mouth of Pericles, when, in the exordium of his funeral oration, he speaks of the risk in honouring the dead by words that the memory of their virtues may be endangered-depending for fame or discredit upon one man, whether he speak well or ill,—μὴ ἐν ἑνὶ ἀνδρὶ πολλῶν ἀρετὰς κινδυνεύεσθαι εὖ τε καὶ χεῖρον εἰπόντι πιστευθῆναι,

APPENDIX.

No. 1.

(See p. 63, Note 14 to 'Inaugural Lecture.')

Mr. Stanley has given, in chapter iv. of the 'Life and Correspondence,' a faithful and judicious character of Dr. Arnold as an historian—a student and writer of history, and I introduce it here, in illustration of these Lectures :

"His early fondness for history grew constantly upon him; he delighted in it, as feeling it to be 'simply a search after truth, where, by daily becoming more familiar with it, truth seems for evermore within your grasp:' the images of the past were habitually in his mind, and haunted him even in sleep, with a vividness which would bring before him some of the most striking passages in ancient history-the death of Cæsar, the wars of Sylla, the siege of Syracuse, the destruction of Jerusalem-as scenes in which he was himself taking an active part. What objects he put before him, as an historian, may best be judged from his own view of the province of history. It was, indeed, altogether imperfect, in his judgment, unless it was not only a plan but a picture; unless it represented 'what men thought, what they hated, and what they loved ;' unless it 'pointed the way to that higher region, within which she herself is not permitted to enter ;** and in the details of geographical or military descriptions he took especial pleasure, and himself remarkably excelled in them. Still it was in the dramatic faculty on the one hand, and the metaphysical faculty on the other hand, that he felt himself deficient; and it is accordingly in the political rather than in the philosophical or biographical department of history-in giving a combined view of different states or of different periods in analyzing laws, parties, and institutions, that his chief merit consists.

* History of Rome, vol. i. p. 98; vol. ii. p. 173.