BOOK another trade or in another place, without the IV. fear either of a profecution or of a removal, and

neither the public nor the individuals will fuffer much more from the occafional difbanding fome particular claffes of manufacturers, than from that of foldiers. Our manufacturers have no doubt great merit with their country, but they cannot have more than those who defend it with their blood, nor deferve to be treated with more delicacy.

To expect, indeed, that the freedom of trade fhould ever be entirely restored in Great Britain, is as abfurd as to expect that an Oceana or Utopia fhould ever be established in it. Not only the prejudices of the public, but what is much more unconquerable, the private interests of many individuals, irrefiftibly oppofe it. Were the officers of the army to oppose with the fame zeal and unanimity any reduction in the number of forces, with which mafter manufacturers fet themselves against every law that is likely to increase the number of their rivals in the home market; were the former to animate the foldiers, in the fame manner as the latter enflame their workmen, to attack with violence and outrage the propofers of any fuch regulation; to attempt to reduce the army would be as dangerous as it has now become to attempt to diminish in any respect the monopoly which our manufacturers have obtained against us. This monopoly has fo much increafed the number of fome particular tribes of them, that, like an over-grown ftanding army, they have become formidable to the

govern

government, and upon many occafions intimidate the legislature. The member of parliament who fupports every propofal for ftrengthening this monopoly, is fure to acquire not only the reputation of understanding trade, but great popularity and influence with an order of men whofe numbers and wealth render them of great importance. If he oppofes them, on the contrary, and ftill more if he has authority enough to be able to thwart them, neither the moft acknowledged probity, nor the highest rank, nor the greatest public fervices, can protect him from the most infamous abuse and detraction, from perfonal infults, nor fometimes from real danger, arifing from the infolent outrage of furious and disappointed monopolifts.

The undertaker of a great manufacture, who, by the home markets being fuddenly laid open to the competition of foreigners, fhould be obliged to abandon his trade, would no doubt fuffer very confiderably. That part of his capital which had ufually been employed in purchafing materials and in paying his workmen, might, without much difficulty, perhaps, find another employment. But that part of it which was fixed in workhoufes, and in the inftruments of trade, could fcarce be difpofed of without confiderable lofs. The equitable regard, therefore, to his intereft requires that changes of this kind should never be introduced fuddenly, but flowly, gradually, and after a very long warning. The legiflature, were it poffible that its deliberations could be always directed, not by the clamorous importunity

CHAP.

II.

BOOK importunity of partial interefts, but by an IV. extenfive view of the general good, ought upon

this very account, perhaps, to be particularly careful neither to establish any new monopolies of this kind, nor to extend further thofe which are already established. Every fuch regulation introduces fome degree of real disorder into the constitution of the ftate, which it will be difficult afterwards to cure without occafioning another diforder.

How far it may be proper to impofe taxes upon the importation of foreign goods, in order, not to prevent their importation, but to raise a revenue for government, I fhall confider hereafter when I come to treat of taxes. Taxes impofed with a view to prevent, or even to diminish importation, are evidently as deftructive of the revenue of the customs as of the freedom of trade.

CHAP. III.

Of the extraordinary Reftraints upon the Importation of Goods of almost all Kinds, from thofe Countries with which the Balance is fuppofed to be difadvantageous.

PART I

Of the Unreasonableness of thofe Restraints, even upon the
Principles of the Commercial Syftem.

III.

To lay extraordinary restraints upon the im- CHAP. portation of goods of almost all kinds, from those particular countries with which the balance of trade is fuppofed to be difadvantageous, is the second expedient by which the commercial system proposes to increase the quantity of gold and filver. Thus in Great Britain, Silefia lawns may be imported for home confumption, upon paying certain duties. But French cambrics and lawns are prohibited to be imported, except into the port of London, there to be warehoufed for exportation. Higher duties are impofed upon the wines of France than upon those of Portugal, or indeed of any other country. By what is called the impoft 1692, a duty of five and twenty per cent., of the rate or value, was laid upon all French goods; while the goods of other nations were, the greater part of them, fubjected to much lighter duties, feldom exceed

VOL. III.

P

ing

IV.

BOOK ing five per cent. The wine, brandy, falt and vinegar of France were indeed excepted; thefe commodities being fubjected to other heavy duties, either by other laws, or by particular clauses of the fame law. In 1696, a fecond duty of twenty-five per cent., the firft not having been thought a fufficient difcouragement, was imposed upon all French goods, except brandy; together with a new duty of five and twenty pounds upon the ton of French wine, and another of fifteen pounds upon the ton of French vinegar. French goods have never been omitted in any of thofe general fubfidies, or duties of five per cent., which have been imposed upon all, or the greater part of the goods enumerated in the book of rates. If we count the one third and two third fubfidies as making a complete fubfidy between them, there have been five of thefe general fubfidies; fo that before the commencement of the prefent war feventy-five per cent. may be confidered as the loweft duty, to which the greater part of the goods of the growth, produce, or manufacture of France were liable. But upon the greater part of goods, thofe duties are equivalent to a prohibition. The French in their turn have, I believe, treated our goods and manufactures juft as hardly; though I am not fo well acquainted with the particular hardships which they have impofed upon them. Thofe mutual restraints have put an end to almost all fair commerce between the two nations, and smug. glers are now the principal importers, either of British goods into France, or of French goods