there were other Bills which were bond fide | to determine whether it was likely to prove --which were promoted and supported by advantageous to their interests, or the rethe landowners of the districts through verse, that they should withdraw their funds which they would pass, and which ought from other enterprises, and devote them to rather to be facilitated than impeded in railways. This was a consideration for their progress through Parliament. He them, and for them alone; and Parliatrusted, therefore, that the Government ment, in his opinion, stepped beyond the would endeavour to secure an early report province of its legitimate functions when it of the proceedings of this Committee. attempted to prescribe and define the exact amount of national capital which it was desirable should be withdrawn from other enterprises, to be expended upon railway projects. It was for the individuals who thought fit to embark in those enterprises to determine how far they were likely to prove profitable or otherwise. No doubt a vast proportion of individuals, was, in fact, for the interest of the public. If their Lordships should be of opinion that the rules and formularies which governed their House were not sufficiently stringent to prevent men who really had no capital at command from undertaking great public enterprises, and plunging the public in unavailing outlays, let them, with a view to the remedying of this evil, make their regulations and restrictions more severe-let them revise their Standing Orders, and take especial care not to give Parliamentary EARL GREY would give his vote in favour of the Resolution for the appointment of the Special Committee, but wished to have it distinctly understood, that in so doing he did not desire to be interpreted as giving his sanction to the principle which appeared to be advocated by many who were anxious for the formation of the Com-errors of judgment would occasionally be mittee the irrational, he would say rather committed, but individuals were much more unconstitutional, principle, that Parliament likely to form a just estimate of what would had a right to interfere in the speculations probably prove advantageous to them than of private individuals, or to attempt to that Iouse could possibly be. They could prescribe limits to the amount of capital better judge of matters affecting their own which the British public might, in the ex-interest than that House could; and it ercise of their discretion, think fit to ex- should be borne in mind that what was pend on any particular project or projects. for the interest of each individual, or of The more arguments he heard in sustainment of that principle, the more strongly was he inclined to doubt that it had any consideration either of sound policy or common sense to recommend it. It appeared to him that what Parliament in the discharge of its legitimate duties was called upon to do was this-first, to inquire and ascertain whether the parties who had applied for Bills to enable them to construct railways, were really in possession of the capital which they professed to have at their command; secondly, whether that capital was sufficient for the proper carry-powers to those who were not in a condiing out of the project they had in contemplation; thirdly, whether that project was calculated to be beneficial to the public interests; and lastly (and this indeed was a consideration of such importance that it ought, perhaps, to take precedence of all others), whether it was an undertaking which interfered unjustly, unfairly, or unnecessarily with private property. To these considerations the House ought to limit its inquiries; and if satisfactory answers were returned to all these questions, he for his part very much doubted whether, with re-tice of one of the principles which it apspect to railways, or any other description of enterprises, Parliament would be justified in exercising any interference, with a view to dissuade or prevent the people of this country from laying out their money in the manner most agreeable to themselves. It should be left to the parties who subscribed the capital, and to them exclusively, tion to use them. But their Lordships would be entering upon an inquiry from which no beneficial results could possibly flow if they were to attempt, on a hasty and superficial examination (for such it must of necessity be) to determine which of the railway projects of this year should go forward, and which should be suspended. He thought it necessary to make these remarks, lest it should be supposed that in advocating the appointment of the Committee, he was recognising the jus peared that Committee intended to proceed upon. Nothing could be more remote from his intention. One word now before he resumed his seat. He thought it was highly desirable that the Committee should take into its most serious consideration any measures that might be suggested with a view to those two objects-the les sening of the expense of Parliamentary | ed, with satisfaction to the public at large, proceedings in railway matters, and the or with credit to themselves. The present diminution of the labours which devolved system was a most vicious one, and he upon Committees of the House in conse- must say that, in his opinion, that House quence of the great pressure of business of had not been treated as it should have this description. A suggestion had been been. Look at the period of the Session thrown out last year, which he regretted at which the railway bills were sent up to had not been acted upon, with respect to them last year from the other House. the advisability of there being a joint Com- One hundred and eighteen railway bills mittee of both Houses to decide upon mat- were passed during the Session. During ters of this kind. It had sometimes oc- the months of February, March, April, and curred in cases of competing railway com- May, only eleven of those Bills came before panies that one House had decided in their Lordships' House. Eighty-one were favour of one line, and the other House of sent up from the Commons in the month another line, and the consequence was of June, and twenty-five in the month of that both fell to the ground altogether, July-thus showing that the whole railway after a vast deal of expense had been in- business of the country was thrown almost curred by the promoters of each. He sug-simultaneously upon the House of Lords gested whether it might not be better to at the period of their present difficulty and make some arrangement with a view to pressure. As long as railway bills were the formation of a joint Committee for dealt with as though they were money both Houses. bills, and that an impression prevailed that they must of necessity originate with the other House, so long their Lordships. would be in a position of difficulty and perplexity, from which it would be impossible to extricate themselves. There was, at one time, an idea respecting Bills having reference to pecuniary penalties-an idea similar to that which now prevailed respecting railway bills, namely, that they were like money bills, and must originate with the Commons; but this notion had to be abandoned, and he hoped that it would be thus also with railway bills. With respect to the various projects now under the consideration of Parliament, it was of LORD MONTEAGLE confessed he course impossible that they could all have thought that their Lordships were engaged precedence; but the peculiar position of in an impracticable effort. It mattered Ireland just at present was such, that he not what number of Committees they was sure their Lordships would concur with might appoint-it mattered not what im-him in thinking that it was only right that provements they might introduce into their as much encouragement as was possible, system-they could not effect the object under all circumstances, should be given they had in view as long as Railway Bills to enterprises projected in that country. were dealt with by the House of Com- Most assuredly regard should be had to the mons as though they were money bills, present unhappy condition of Ireland. which could only originate with that House. It was a mistake to suppose that such measures could only originate with the Commons. They might just as well originate with their Lordships. Some change was absolutely necessary. Even supposing that the railway business were not to exceed this Session what it had been last year and they all knew that it would be incomparably heavier-they had not the least chance in the present state of things of being able to discharge their duties with justice to the parties concern LORD ASHBURTON observed upon the difficulty of that House being able to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion in the event of their instituting (as suggested by the noble Duke who had just sat down) an inquiry respecting the amount of bona fide capital in the possession of railway companies. How was the House to ascertain this? How was the capital of most of these railway schemes represented, except by an interminable list of high-sounding names, with certain figures written after each of them? In point of fact, it was with a long list of names, and not with real substantial capital, their Lordships had to deal. LORD BROUGHAM: Oh, certainly. In coming to a decision give the east of the balance that way, by all means. LORD MONTEAGLE continued to observe that if the railway business were fairly divided between the two Houses of Parliament, reasonable progress could be given to the consideration of Irish measures, without at all interfering with the English business. LORD REDESDALE thought that the question the House had to consider was one of possibility. There were no less than 600 He new railway schemes to be decided upon, | individuals had scruples against serving, and he held it to be absolutely impossible and others thought the circumstances of that all these should be disposed of, under the country did not require the embodithe present system, in the course of a ment of the militia. If the Government single Session. The Committees last Ses- did not intend to enrol that body, he sion had acquitted themselves in a most trusted they would at once put an end creditable manner. Their decisions were to the excitement which prevailed. upright and honest, and in no instance had wished to ask, in the first place, whether the Members been biassed by feelings of it was the intention of the Government to private interest. However, the work was embody the militia during the present year; now so onerous as to be impossible of and if so, whether the enrolment would achievement. take place under the existing law, or under a new law? If it was the intention of the Government to introduce a Bill during the present year, he trusted it would be brought forward at an early period, and not be postponed until nearly all the Members had left town. Motion agreed to. House adjourned. Committee named. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Thursday, January 29, 1846. MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS.-1 Factories. of other places, for limiting the Hours of Labour in land) Act.-From Reading and Maxwelltown, against Enrolment of the Militia.- From Chairman of Dundalk Union, for Alteration of Mode of Rating, Poor Law (Ireland).—From Kilbarchan, for Remission of Sentence on Frost, Williams, and Jones.-From Marylebone, against Union of that Parish with other Parishes for the Maintenance of an Asylum for the Houseless Poor. From John Williams (2 Petitions), suggesting the importance of forming Sub-archways for the Streets of Longislative Enactment, enabling Parish Clerks to enforce Payment for the performance of their Duties. don.-From Rev. William Augustus Morgan, for a Le ADJOURNMENT.-THE MILITIA. SIR R. PEEL said, that a notice had been given on his behalf, by his right hon. Friend the Secretary for the Home Department, which he believed would meet with the general concurrence of the House, and not subject any parties to inconvenience, either on account of public or private business. To-morrow being the 30th of January, he proposed that the House at its rising do adjourn until Monday next. MR. T. DUNCOMBE wished to ask a question on a subject which had caused considerable excitement in various parts of the country-he alluded to the supposed intention which existed on the part of the Government to enrol and embody the militia. It was generally understood that the Government intended to enrol the militia under the Act now in existence. The right hon. Baronet was perhaps aware that militia clubs had been established, for the purpose of enabling persons to afford a passive resistance to the enrolment. Some SIR J. GRAHAM replied that his right hon. Friend the Secretary at War intended to lay upon the Table a Bill for the propose of amending and consolidating the Militia Acts. The Bill was in course of preparation, and would be laid before the House at an early period. Mr. ROSS was opposed to the adjournment of the House. He considered a reformed House of Commons ought not to keep such holidays as the one named, and for which the House was asked to adjourn. He thought that it was a reproach to those hon. men, Sir John Elliott, Pym, Hampden, and others, who had shed their blood in order to retain the chartered liberties of the country. They had sacrificed their lives in the defence of those liberties, and he thought that it would be foolish, with that fact before them, to keep that absurd fast. That was his opinion, and he felt bound to declare it. At least that was his impression, and he found it was published in the Papers of the House, and entered in the Notice-book, that to-morrow was to be observed as a fast in commemoration of the martyrdom of King Charles. There could be no doubt that such was the case, and if he only went out with one or two of his friends, he would divide the House on the subject. SIR R. PEEL said, that he had yesterday endeavoured to put the matter in such form as would not offend the most sensitive mind, and to express the reasons of Her Majesty's Government for moving the adjournment. He had expressly stated that the reason of the adjournment of the House was really because there was no public business before them for that day, and because it would conduce very much to the public convenience. He conceived MR. ROSS was satisfied with the reasons of the right hon. Baronet. that this constituted a sufficient reason for | ple without the authority of Parliament, the adjournment. that event never would have occurred. The character of that Parliament who resisted the tyrant ought to be respected, rather However, as than the fate of that man. the adjournment was not moved on the ground to which he had alluded, he would make no objection to the adjournment. MR. BRIGHT thought the right hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department had not given a distinct answer to the question of the hon. Member for Finsbury. He understood from the answer of the right hon. Baronet that some new law was to be introduced; but the question put by his hon. Friend was, did the Government intend to call out the militia during the present year? A permanent law, perhaps, might be necessary; but the country, wished to know whether the Government intended to call out the militia in the course of the year. SIR J. GRAHAM said, from the manner in which the question had been put, the hon. Member did not appear to be aware of the existing state of the law. By the Act annually passed, power was given to Her Majesty in Council, in the event of certain contingencies, to call out the militia within a fortnight. At the present moment there was no intention of acting upon that power; but if the contingency should arise, it would be open to Her Majesty, by the advice of Her servants, to call out that body at a fortnight's notice. In answer to the other question, put by the hon. Member for Finsbury, he had already stated that it was the intention of Her Majesty's Government to submit to the House a Bill for the purpose of amending and consolidating the Militia Acts; and his right hon. Friend the Secretary at War would, at an early day, give notice of the time of the introduction of the measure. LORD J. MANNERS said, whatever the understanding of the hon. Member for Coventry might be, it was not his (Lord J. Manners') wish to enter into any discussion of the topic suggested by him; but he must protest most distinctly that he utterly and entirely dissented from every word which had fallen from the hon. Member; and in approving of the adjournment of the House, he did not coincide in the reasons assigned by the hon. Member. BUENOS AYRES AND MONTE VIDEO. LORD J. RUSSELL wished to put a question to the right hon. Gentleman, relative to the transactions which had recently occurred at the River Plate. He wished to know whether the right hon. Baronet was prepared to lay on the Table such documents as would elucidate the transactions to which he alluded? SIR R. PEEL said, he had not the slightest objection to lay upon the Table of the House those documents which would explain the grounds upon which Her Majesty's Government had acted in concert with France-namely, the instructions which had been given to Mr. Ouseley. He had rather not, at present, produce the proposition made by General Rosas, which, although not accepted, might lay the foundation for an adjustment of the matters in MR. WILLIAMS understood the right difference. So long as there was any hon. Baronet's proposition was that the chance of such adjustment, he thought it House should adjourn over to-morrow in would be better not to lay on the Table any consequence of there being no business, proof of the atrocities which had been comand not on account of its being the anni-mitted during the lamentable struggle versary of the martyrdom of King Charles I. With that understanding, he (Mr. Williams) had no objection to the adjournment. But this he must say, that nothing could be more derogatory to the present generation than an adjournment on account of the martyrdom of that tyrant ["Oh!"]. Yes, he repeated, of that tyrant, whose head was laid upon the scaffold in consequence of his superseding the authority of the House of Commons. If he had not violated the Constitution of the country by an attempt to supersede the authority of the House of Commons, in levying taxes upon the peo which had taken place. But he had no objection to lay before the House the Convention with France, and the instructions given to Mr. Ouseley, detailing the grounds on which this country, after a long delay, most reluctantly interfered. LORD J. RUSSELL had no wish to ask for the Papers showing the atrocities which had been committed, but he thought it would be necessary, for the information of the House, to produce, not only the instructions given, which were the result of previous negociations, but what were the demands which led to hostilities. SIR R. PEEL said, the nature of the demands would be fully understood from the instructions, which would show the proposals made by the Government on the part of this country and France. STANDING ORDERS-RAILWAY DEPOSITS. the inconvenience which would be occasioned by the locking up of the money until the bills became due was prevented, and the operations of commerce facilitated. But the course that had been adopted in regard to these deposits had stopped this accommodation, and during the last three days it had been found impossible almost MR. HASTIE said, he rose to complain, to obtain discount in the City. The extent on behalf of the bankers, merchants, and of the inconvenience might be judged of by traders of this country, against the Stand- the fact, that the bills connected with the ing Orders of that House. By Standing South American, West Indian, and China Order, No. 39, it was rendered necessary traders, alone discounted in the year, averthat deposits on account of Railway Bills aged about 150,000,000l. If these railway should be paid to the Accountant General deposits were removed from the account of of the Court of Chancery. He (Mr. Has- the Accountant General of the Court of tie) did not complain of the amount 10 per Chancery, and placed to that of the Bank cent., but of the mode of payment, and of England, the Bank, knowing the rethe delay occurring between the Accountant quirements of the mercantile community General and the Bank of England. When would still give that accommodation which the money had passed into the hand of the it had been usual for the last fifty years Accountant General, a week must elapse to afford. If he thought such a relaxation before the Bank could use the deposits. would in any way tend to encourage undue It was estimated that this year the depo-speculation in railway schemes, he would sits would amount to eight or ten millions, be the last person to ask for it; but he did which amount must all be paid within two not believe it would have any such effect, weeks of the sitting of Parliament. Any while to continue the present arrangement, one who had the least acquaintance with would embarrass the mercantile community, the currency of the country must know which had nothing to do with such specuthat to lock up so large a sum must create lations, and put a stop to commercial opegreat alarm and difficulty. What he com-rations. He had given a notice upon this plained of was the delay between the Court of Chancery and the Bank of England. The Bank of England, if the money were paid directly into their account, would feel itself at liberty to use the deposits; dis-be ineffectual for his object. Under these counts would thus go on as usual, and the great inconvenience to the mercantile world of which he complained would be avoided. He was aware that many representations had been made to the Government on this subject, and he blamed them not for the caution with which they had acted; but while they were anxious to dis-had just sat down, that he deplored as courage mere speculation, they should take care that their caution did not affect others than those against whom it was directed, and limit the commercial transactions of those who had no connection, and were wholly unacquainted, with those railway speculations. It was well known to all commercial men that nearly the whole of the mercantile transactions of this country were carried on by means of bills of exchange. All the goods sent from hence to South America, China, and the West India Islands, were paid for by bills; the remittances were wholly in bills, which could immediately be discounted in London at the current rate of discount, and thus subject on a previous evening, but had been informed by the Speaker, that as the restriction he complained of was imposed by an Act of Parliament, such notice would circumstances, he was anxious to press the matter on the attention of the Government, in the hope that they would propose some alteration of the law, by which the evil would be prevented. The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER could assure the hon. Member who much as the hon. Member the effect which undue speculation had had upon the innocent individuals who had embarked in them. But the embarrassment alluded to was one of the misfortunes incident not only to railway speculations, but applied to all those other mercantile speculations which had occurred at a time when railway speculation could not have been among the causes of such embarrassment. He doubted, however, whether the hon. Member had taken a correct view of the evil, or had suggested that which would afford any remedy. The hon. Gentleman said that the House, by a Standing Order, required parties to a railway to deposit a certain amount of the sum |