resolved to seize upon the whole peninsula, and to establish in it a government of his own. He may have been prompted to this partly by his hatred to the Bourbon race, partly by the cravings of an insatiable ambition, partly by the vain desire of spreading his dynasty over Europe, partly by mere vanity: His main object was, that he might wield with new vigour the naval and colonial resources of Spain, to the detriment of Great Britain. This alone could suit the vastness of his designs; this alone could promise to gratify his mortal hatred of the British name. By the entire subjugation of the peninsula, and the full possession of its various resources, he knew that he should be best enabled to sap the fundamental security of these kingdoms. Therefore, how highly important was it to keep alive in Spain a spirit of resistance to France! There were no means, however unprincipled, which Buonaparte would scruple to employ for the attainment of his ends. To him force and fraud were alike, force, that would stoop to all the base artifices of fraud,-fraud, that would come armed with all the fierce vio lence of force. Every thing which the head of such a man could contrive, or the arm execute, would be combined and concentrated into one vast effort, and that effort would be strained for the humiliation and destruction of this country. Universal dominion is, and will continue to be, the aim of all French governments; but it is pre-eminently the object to which such a mind as Buonaparte's will aspire. England alone stands in the way of the accomplishment of that design, and England he has therefore resolved to strike down and extirpate. How then were these daring projects to be met? How, but

by cherishing, wherever it may be found, but particularly in the peninsula, the spirit of resistance to the usurpations of France. If we have saved the navy of Portugal; if we have saved the Spanish ships at Ferrol; if we have enabled the Portugueze government to emigrate to their colonies; if we have succeeded in yet securing the naval and colonial resources both of Portugal and Spain; how have these important objects been achieved but by fomenting in both these kingdoms a spirit of resistance to the overwhelming ambition of Buonaparte? To this end must all our efforts be now directed. This is the only engine which now remains for us to work in opposition to Buonaparte's gigantic designs.

"Why then should we depart from that salutary line of policy? what is there to dissuade or discourage us from adhering to it? I can discover nothing in the aspect of Spanish affairs that wears any thing like the hue and complexion of despair. If, indeed, it had appeared that this spirit began to languish in the breast of the patriotic Spaniards, if miscarriages, disasters, and defeats had been observed to damp the ardour and break down the energies of the Spanish mind, then might it be believed that further assistance to the Spanish cause would prove unavailing. But, fortunately for this country, not only is there life still in Spain, but her patriotic heart still continues to beat high: The generous and exalted sentiment, which first prompted us to lend our aid to the cause of Spain, should therefore be still maintained in full force, and should still inspirit us to continue that aid to the last moment of her resistance. The struggle in which Spain is now enga

ged is not merely a Spanish struggle. No, my lords, in that struggle are committed the best, the very vital interests of England. With the fate of Spain the fate of England is now inseparably blended. Should we not therefore stand by her to the last? For my part, my lords, as an adviser of the crown, I shall not cease to recommend to my sovereign to continue to assist Spain to the latest moment of her resistance. It should not dishearten us that Spain appears to be in the very crisis of her fate; we should on the contrary extend a more anxious care over her at a moment so critical. For in nations, and above all in Spain, how often have the apparent symptoms of dissolution been the presages of new life, and of renovated vigour? Therefore, I would cling to Spain in her last struggle; therefore, I would watch her last agonies, I would wash and heal her wounds, I would receive her parting breath, I would catch and cherish the last vital spark of her expiring patriotism. Nor let this be deemed a mere office of pious charity; nor an exaggerated representation of my feelings; nor an overcharged picture of the circumstances that call them forth. In the cause of Spain, the cause of honour and of interest is equally involved and inseparably allied. It is a cause in favour of which the finest feelings of the heart unite with the soundest dictates of the understand ing."

Earl Moira and Lord Sidmouth concurred with the Marquis of Lansdown, in condemning ministers for the manner in which they had conducted the war in Spain, yet still expressing hope for the issue. Lord Holland spoke to the same purport. "Those,”

he said, "who disapproved of our interposing at all in the cause of Spain, and those who were interested in the success of that cause, must equally condemn the course which ministers had taken. If indeed there was any difference, it must be on the part of the friends of Spain, who must feel peculiarly mortified by the disappointment of their wishes, through the misjudging policy of those minis ters: he was one of those so mortified, for no event had ever excited a more lively interest in his mind, not even the dawn of the French revolution. He condemned ministers for having sent out Mr Stuart and Mr Frere without any adequate instructions, particularly with regard to that most important point, the arrangement of a system for conciliating the minds of the Spanish people, by a redress of their grievances, and a restoration of their rights. He condemned them also for neither having sent out a sufficient force, nor given proper instructions or adequate provision to that force which they did send. He dwelt upon the importance of supporting Spain to the utmost, pointing out the perilous facilities for the invasion of Ireland which Cadiz and Lisbon would afford to the French, if those ports were suf. fered to fall into their hands. And if, after all her efforts, Spain should ultimately be subdued, his advice to this country respecting the Spanish colonies was, that it should promote the establishment of such a system of government there, as good statesmen could alone approve in any country; a system founded upon the opinions and wishes of the people." Thirtythree peers voted for the motion of censure, sixty-five negatived it.

In the debates upon the affairs of Spain ministers were completely triumphant. Some of their opponents accused them of having done too much, others of having done too little, and some would fain have persuaded the people of Great Britain, that their brethren had obtained no victory at Talavera. The charge which was brought against them of having taken no measures for conciliating the Spanish people, by obtaining for them a restoration of those political rights which had been so long withheld, was abundantly disproved by the papers laid before liament. There it appeared that Mr Stuart, Mr Frere, and Marquis Wellesley, had each of them pressed upon the existing government the necessity of convoking the cortes. The great error which the ministry had committed, was in their almost total neglect of Catalonia. In the commencement of the struggle this fault was not imputable to them, but to the general, who, upon his own responsibility, disobeyed his instructions to convey his army to that most

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important scene of operations: the effects of that fatal error were to a certain extent irremediable; but no subsequent attempt was made, and the French were suffered to take fortress after fortress, without an effort on our part to relieve them. Still the conduct of administration toward Spain was far more worthy of commendation than of censure,—it had been brave and generous: our own safety and the welfare of mankind were deeply at stake; but while we had

every motive of policy for assisting the Spaniards in their struggle, the assistance was given in a manner worthy of the noble people who gave, and of the noble people who received it.

The result of any discussion upon this subject was anticipated by the public; they, in spite of the efforts of a few factious news-writers, and of the journalists, who told us, with a want of feeling more disgraceful even than their want of foresight, that the Spaniards had only a little hour to strut and fret," continued to feel concerning Spain like freemen and like Englishmen. What might be

the issue of the inquiry concerning the Walcheren expedition, no man could foresee; the ministers evidently looked to it with apprehension, their antagonists with eagerness and with hope, and the people with anxious solicitude; for, condemning as they did that lamentable measure, none of its unhappy effects appeared so mischievous as the victory which it might afford to opposition, and their consequent return to power. In the first week of the session, Lord Jan. 26. Porchester moved for the appointment of a committee, to inquire into the policy and conduct of this expedition, "not a select or secret committee," he said, "before whom garbled extracts might be laid by ministers themselves, in order to produce a partial discussion, but a committee of the whole house, when the house might have a fair case before them, because they could examine oral evidence at the bar. The object which he proposed, was to put his majesty's ministers upon their trial.

Was a measure so productive of calamity, so pregnant with disasters, to escape inquiry, or were its authors to escape punishment? He did not blame the choice of a commander. Although Lord Chatham was not one of those officers whom Fame had noticed among her list of heroes-although he was not one of those who "in camps and tented fields had bled"-although he was much more familiar with the gaieties of London or the business of office, than with the annals of military experience or glory-yet he did not complain of the appointment of such an officer to command such an expedition. He was, in fact, the most appropriate person that could be chosen. Had it indeed been a wisely-planned expedition," said Lord Porchester, "I should

say, that it ought to be intrusted to an intelligent commander-to one who possessed the confidence of the army-to one experienced in modern warfare, as this was not the time for making hazardous experiments. But, abortive and impracticable as the plan was, I should have thought it a pity to have the character of an officer of that description exposed to sacrifice, by rendering him responsible for the success of a measure which it would be impossible for such a man to comprehend or execute. No, Lord Chatham was the fittest man for the station. This ill-fated expedition was the favourite bantling of ministers. It required to be fostered by parental partiality, for it could have no claim to rational attachment. Such an expedition could be understood by themselves alone, and one of themselves alone was fit to command it. If ever there was a time when inquiry was necessary to satisfy the wishes of the public, to consult the safety of the country, it is at present; at this moment, which may be well considered the most awful crisis that ever suspended the destinies of a mighty empire-a crisis rendered more alarming by the sentiment that universally and justly prevails, with regard to those to whom the administration of our government is committed. In these men the country has no confidence whatever: the country can have no confidence whatever. They are fallen to the lowest ebb in public estimation."

The previous question was moved by Mr Croker, and supported by Mr Perceval, on the ground that "the papers upon this subject, which had been promised by his majesty, would be laid before the house in three days, and they would then have the means of judging whether any, or

what species of inquiry was necessary. Why institute an inquiry, when they might have the necessary information before an inquiry could possibly be set on foot? The reason of this indecent precipitancy was, that it was not inquiry for which they contended, but the removal of ministers." But the sense of the house, as well as the temper of the people, was against them. The necessity of not even appearing to baffle or delay investigation, was urged by Mr Bathurst and Mr Wilberforce. Sir William Curtis rose to give his assent and support to the motion. General Grosvenor demanded inquiry in the name of the army, and Sir Home Popham in that of the navy; and the passions of the house were appealed to in every way by an opposition which knew its own strength and the strength of the case. "The enemy," said Mr Ponsonby, "has told us that it was the genius of France conducted the British armies to Walcheren in the late expedition. But no! It was not the genius of France, it was the demon of England, nurtured into malignant influence by the base dissensions and unprincipled cabals of a weak, divided, insincere, and incapable administration-an administration ill thought of by all, suspected by themselves, and despised by the country; an administration, a constituent member of which was engaged in a low and unmanly conspiracy to expel from his station another constituent member of it; an administration, at the head of which now stands this minister, who, though an intrigue of this base, ungenerous and unmixed quality, was in progress for months, has been obliged in this house to offer up in his own defence, that he was innocent, because he was ignorant! This is the picture which he and his col

leagues have drawn of themselves. What need was there that genius should confound what unequalled ignorance had devised? What needed our enemy to interpose his great power, or his greater abilities, when he had our ministers for auxiliaries? Why array the highest talents, to oppose the efforts of incapacity the most evident-to frustrate the councils of insufficiency the most degrading? Behold at the head of the nation's councils a minister, who, knowing that after this intrigue for months had terminated in an agreement to remove a colleague from an active and efficient situation in the cabinet, under the alledged imputation of his incapacity to discharge the functions of office, yet still suffered him, though thus pronounced incapable, to retain for months his office of war secretary, upon no other ground save that he could not reconcile the communica

tion to his feelings. Where were his feelings for the people of England? Where were they for the liberties of Europe, whilst he suffered an incapable minister to remain in office? Where did the feelings of the right honourable gentleman slumber, when the best blood of the empire was left to putrify in the poisonous air of Walcheren, there, amidst pestilence and death to linger, and to perish, in order to afford a colourable pretext to the noble lord for retaining office until the minister of England could reconcile to his feelings the communication of Lord Castlereagh's acknowledged incapacity?"

Mr Windham, abstaining from any of these personal invectives, dwelt wholly upon the point in debate. "The vote," he said, "ought to be carried by acclamation: it would be a reproach for ever to the character of parliament, if it suffered its atten