those who desired to plunge this country into the | now reposing on their shadows in perfect stillness difficulties of war, partly from the hope that those difficulties would overwhelm the administration; but it would be most unjust not to admit that there were others who were actuated by nobler principles and more generous feelings, who would have rushed forward at once from the sense of indignation at aggression, and who deemed that no act of injustice could be perpetrated from one end of the universe to the other, but that the sword of Great Britain should leap from its scabbard to avenge it. But as it is the province of law to control the excess even of laudable passions and propensities in individuals, so it is the duty of government to restrain within due bounds the ebullition of national sentiment, and to regulate the course and direction of impulses which it can not blame. Is there any one among the latter class of persons described by my honorable friend (for to the former I have nothing to say) who continues to doubt whether the government did wisely in declining to obey the precipitate enthusiasm which prevailed at the commencement of the contest in Spain ? Is there any body who does not now think that it was the office of government to examine more closely all the various bearings of so complicated a question, to consider whether they were called upon to assist a united nation, or to plunge themselves into the internal feuds by which that nation was divided-to aid in repelling a foreign invader, or to take part in a civil war? Is there any man that does not now see what would have been the extent of burdens that would have been cast upon this country? Is there any one who does not acknowledge that, under such circumstances the enterprise would have been one to be characterized only by a term borrowed from that part of the Spanish literature with which we are most familiar-Quixotic; an enterprise romantic in its origin, and thankless in the end?

But peace should be sought by

for war.

But while we thus control even our feelings by our duty, let it not be said that we cultivate peace either because we fear, being ready or because we are unprepared for war; on the contrary, if eight months ago the government did not hesitate to proclaim that the country was prepared for war, if war should be unfortunately necessary, every month of peace that has since passed has but made us so much the more capable of exertion. The resources created by peace are means of war. In cherishing those resources, we but accumulate those Our present repose is no more a proof of inability to act, than the state of inertness and inactivity in which I have seen those mighty masses that float in the waters above your town, is a proof that they are devoid of strength, and incapable of being fitted out for action. You well know, gentlemen, how soon one of those stupendous masses,

means.

See this subject explained in the introduction to Mr. Brougham's speech respecting it, page 904.

how soon, upon any call of patriotism, or of necessity, it would assume the likeness of an ani. mated thing, instinct with life and motion—how soon it would ruffle, as it were, its swelling plumage—how quickly it would put forth all its beauty and its bravery, collect its scattered elements of strength, and awaken its dormant thunder. Such as is one of these magnificent machines when springing from inaction into a display of its might—such is England herself, while, apparently passive and motionless, she silently concentrates the power to be put forth on an adequate occasion.1 But God forbid that that occasion should arise. After a war sustained for near a quarter of a century-sometimes single-handed, and with all Eu. rope arranged at times against her, or at her side. England needs a period of tranquillity, and may enjoy it without fear of misconstruction. Long may we be enabled, gentlemen, to improve the blessings of our present situation, to cultivate the arts of peace, to give to commerce, now reviving, greater extension, and new spheres of employment, and to confirm the prosperity now generally diffused throughout this island. the blessing of peace, gentlemen, I trust that this borough, with which I have now the honor and happiness of being associated, will receive an ample share. I trust the time is not far distant, when that noble structure of which, as I learn from your Recorder, the box with which you have honored me, through his hands, formed a part, that gigantic barrier against the fury of the waves that roll into your harbor, will protect a commercial marine not less considerable in its kind than the warlike marine of which your port has been long so distinguished an asylum, when the town of Plymouth will participate in the com mercial prosperity as largely as it has hitherto done in the naval glories of England.

Of

2 It will interest the reader to compare this passage with one conceived in the same spirit by the poet Campbell, on the launching of a ship of the line. of the launching of a ship of the line will perhaps "Those who have ever witnessed the spectacle forgive me for adding this to the examples of the sublime objects of artificial life. Of that spectacle I can never forget the impression, and of having witnessed it reflected from the faces of ten thousand spectators. They seem yet before me--I sympathize with their deep and silent expectation, and with their final burst of enthusiasm. It was not a vulgar joy, but an affecting national solemnity. When the vast bulwark sprang from her cradle, the calm water on which she swung majestically round, gave the imagination a contrast of the stormy element on whica she was soon to ride. All the days of battle, and the nights of danger which she had to encounterall the ends of the earth which she had to visit-and all that she had to do and to suffer for her country rose in awful presentiment before the mind; and when the heart gave her a benediction, it was like one pronounced on a living being."—Essay on Em glish Poetry.

SPEECH

OF MR. CANNING ON AFFORDING AID TO PCRTUGAL WHEN INVADED FROM SPAIN, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, DECEMBER 12, 1826.

INTRODUCTION.

ENGLAND had been for nearly two centuries the ally and protector of Portugal, and was bound to defend her when attacked.

In 1826, a body of absolutists, headed by the Queen Dowager and the Marquess of Chaves, attempted to destroy the existing Portuguese government, which had been founded on the basis of constitutional liberty. This government had been acknowledged by Ergland, France, Austria, and Russia. It was, however, obnoxious to Ferdinand, king of Spain; and Portugal was invaded from the Spanish territory by large bodies of Portuguese absolutists, who had been there organized with the connivance, if not the direct aid, of the Spanish government.

The Portuguese government now demanded the assistance of England. Five thousand troops were, therefore, instantly ordered to Lisbon, and Mr. Canning came forward in this speech to explain the reasons of his prompt intervention. "This," says his biographer, "is the master-piece of his eloquence. In propriety and force of diction-in excellence of appropriate and well-methodized arrangement-in elevation of style and sentiment; and in all the vigorous qualities of genuine manly eloquence-boldness-judgment --firmness, it fully sustains its title to the high eulogy given it by Mr. Brougham at the close of the debate.”

SPEECH, &c.
ed.

MR. SPEAKER,-In proposing to the House of Design of the Commons to acknowledge, by an humspeaker. ble and dutiful address, his Majesty's most gracious message, and to reply to it in terms which will be, in effect, an echo of the sentiments and & fulfillment of the anticipations of that mestage, I feel that, however confident I may be in the justice, and however clear as to the policy of the measures therein announced, it becomes me, as a British minister, recommending to Parliament any step which may approximate this country even to the hazard of a war, while I explain the grounds of that proposal, to accompany my explanation with expressions of regret.

importance of

I can assure the House, that there is not withHigh sense en- in its walls any set of men more deeptertained of the ly convinced than his Majesty's minpeace. isters-nor any individual more intimately persuaded than he who has now the honor of addressing you-of the vital importance of the continuance of peace to this country and to the world. So strongly am I impressed with this opinion and for reasons of which I will put the House more fully in possession before I sit down —that I declare there is no question of doubtful or controverted policy—no opportunity of present national advantage-no precaution against remote difficulty-which I would not gladly compromise, pass over, or adjourn, rather than call on Parliament to sanction, at this moment, any measure which had a tendency to involve the country in war. But, at the same time, sir, I feel that which has been felt, in the best times of English history, by the best statesmen of this country, and by the Parliaments by whom those statesmen were supported-I feel that there are two causes, and but two causes, which can not be either compromised, passed over, or adjourn

But national

These causes are, adherence to the national faith, and regard for the national honor. Sir, if I did not consider both these causes as involved in the proposition which I have this day to make to you, I should not address the House, as I now do, in the full and entire confidence that res the gracious communication of his Majesty will be met by the House with the concurrence of which his Majesty has declared his expectation.

faith and honor proposed meas

demand the

gations to

In order to bring the matter which I have to submit to you, under the cognizance of Part First. the House, in the shortest and clearest Treaty oblimanner, I beg leave to state it, in the Portugal. first instance, divested of any collateral considerations. It is a case of law and of fact: of national law on the one hand, and of notorious fact on the other; such as it must be, in my opinion as impossible for Parliament, as it was for the government, to regard in any but one light; or to come to any but one conclusion upon it.

Early origin

gations

Among the alliances by which, at different periods of our history, this country has been connected with the other nations of those obli of Europe, none is so ancient in origin, and so precise in obligation-none has continued so long, and been observed so faithfully-of none is the memory so intimately interwoven with the most brilliant records of our triumphs, as that by which Great Britain is connected with Portugal. It dates back to distant centuries; it has survived an endless variety of fortunes. Anterior in existence to the accession of the house of Braganza to the throne of Portugal-it derived, however, fresh vigor from that event; and never, from tha epoch to the present hour, has the independent monarchy of Portugal ceased to be nurtured by the friendship of Great Britain. This alliance

felt that they ought to be broken off.

has never been seriously interrupted; but it has | Portugal. That convention, I say, was contem been renewed by repeated sanctions. It has poraneous with the migration to the Brazils; a been maintained under difficulties by which the step of great importance at the time, as remov. fidelity of other alliances were shaken, and has ing from the grasp of Bonaparte the sovereign been vindicated in fields of blood and of glory. family of Braganza. Afterward, in the year That the alliance with Portugal has been al- 1810, when the seat of the King of Portugal's None has ever ways unqualifiedly advantageous to government was established at Rio de Janeiro, this country-that it has not been and when it seemed probable, in the then apparsometimes inconvenient and some- ently hopeless condition of the affairs of Europe, times burdensome-I am not bound nor prepared that it was likely long to continue there, the se to maintain. But no British statesman, so far as cret convention of 1807, of which the main ob I know, has ever suggested the expediency of ject was accomplished by the fact of the emigra shaking it off; and it is assuredly not at a mo- tion to Brazil, was abrogated, and a new and pubment of need that honor and, what I may be al- lic treaty was concluded, into which was translowed to call national sympathy, would permit ferred the stipulation of 1807, binding Great us to weigh, with an over-scrupulous exactness, Britain, so long as his faithful Majesty should the amount of difficulties and dangers attendant be compelled to reside in Brazil, not to acknowlupon its faithful and steadfast observance. What edge any other sovereign of Portugal than a feelings of national honor would forbid, is for- member of the house of Braganza. That stipbidden alike by the plain dictates of national ulation which had hitherto been secret, thus befaith. came patent, and part of the known law of nations.

In the year 1814, in consequence of the happy conclusion of the war, the option was afford

European dominions. It was then felt that, as the necessity of his most faithful Majesty's ab sence from Portugal had ceased, the ground for the obligation originally contracted in the secret convention of 1807, and afterward transferred to the patent treaty of 1810, was removed. The treaty of 1810 was, therefore, annulled at the Congress of Vienna; and in lieu of the stipula tion not to acknowledge any other sovereign of Portugal than a member of the house of Bra ganza, was substituted that which I have just read to the House.

It is not at distant periods of history, and in Solemnly re by-gone ages only, that the traces of newed in 1815. the union between Great Britain and Portugal are to be found. In the last compacted to the King of Portugal of returning to his of modern Europe, the compact which forms the basis of its present international law-I mean the treaty of Vienna of 1815-this country, with its eyes open to the possible inconveniences of the connection, but with a memory awake to its past benefits, solemnly renewed the previously existing obligations of alliance and amity with Portugal. I will take leave to read to the House the third article of the treaty concluded at Vienna, in 1815, between Great Britain on the one hand, and Portugal on the other. It is couched in the following terms: "The treaty of Alliance, concluded at Rio de Janeiro, on the 19th of February, 1810, being founded on circumstances of a temporary nature, which have happily ceased to exist, the said treaty is hereby declared to be void in all its parts, and of no effect; without prejudice, however, to the ancient treaties of alliance, friendship, and guarantee, which have so long and so happily subsisted between the two Crowns, and which are hereby renewed by the high contracting parties, and acknowledged to be of full force and effect."

Circumstances that renewal.

Annulling the treaty of 1810, the treaty of Vienna renews and confirms (as the House will have seen) all former treaties between Great Britain and Portugal, describing them as "an cient treaties of alliance, friendship, and guaran tee;" as having "long and happily subsisted be. tween the two Crowns ;" and as being allowed, by the two high contracting parties, to remain "in full force and effect."

What, then, is the force-what is the effect of those ancient treaties? I am pre- England bows, In order to appreciate the force of this stipu-pared to show to the House what it not by this, bet by previous lation-recent in point of time, re- is. But before I do so, I must say, treaties to protect Portugal. connected with cent, also, in the sanction of Parlia- that if all the treaties to which this ment-the House will, perhaps, al- article of the treaty of Vienna refers, had perished low me to explain shortly the circumstances in by some convulsion of nature, or had by some exreference to which it was contracted. In the traordinary accident been consigned to total obyear 1807, when, upon the declaration of Bona- livion, still it would be impossible not to admit, as parte, that the house of Braganza had ceased to an incontestible inference from this article of the reign, the King of Portugal, by the advice of treaty of Vienna alone, that in a moral point of Great Britain, was induced to set sail for the view, there is incumbent on Great Britain, a deBrazils; almost at the very moment of his most cided obligation to act as the effectual defender faithful Majesty's embarkation, a secret conven- of Portugal. If I could not show the letter of a tion was signed between his Majesty and the single antecedent stipulation, I should still conKing of Portugal, stipulating that, in the event tend that a solemn admission, only ten years old, of his most faithful Majesty's establishing the of the existence at that time of "treaties of al seat of his government in Brazil, Great Britain liance, friendship, and guarantee,” held Great would never acknowledge any other dynasty than Britain to the discharge of the obligations which hat of the house of Braganza on the throne of that very description implies. But fortunately

two treaties.

there is no such difficulty in specifying the na- | of the treaties which I have quoted, it is possible ture of those obligations. All of the preceding to raise a question—whether varia- Further discus treaties exist-all of them are of easy reference tion of circumstances or change of sion of these -all of them are known to this country, to times may not have somewhat relaxSpain, to every nation of the civilized world.ed its obligations. The treaty of 1661, it might They are so numerous, and their general result be said, was so loose and prodigal in the wordis so uniform, that it may be sufficient to selecting-it is so unreasonable, so wholly out of naonly two of them to show the nature of all. ture, that any one country should be expected to The first to which I shall advert is the treaty defend another, even as itself;" such stipulaBy treaty of 1661, which was concluded at the tions are of so exaggerated a character, as to re1661. time of the marriage of Charles the Sec- semble effusions of feeling, rather than enunciaond with the Infanta of Portugal. After reciting tions of deliberate compact. Again, with rethe marriage, and making over to Great Britain, spect to the treaty of 1703, if the case rested on in consequence of that marriage, first, a consid- that treaty alone, a question might be raised, erable sum of money, and, secondly, several im- whether or not, when one of the contracting parportant places, some of which, as Tangier, we no ties—Holland—had since so changed her rela longer possess; but others of which, as Bombay, tions with Portugal, as to consider her obligations still belong to this country, the treaty runs thus: under the treaty of 1703 as obsolete whether "In consideration of all which grants, so much to or not, I say, under such circumstances, the obthe benefit of the King of Great Britain and his ligation on the remaining party be not likewise subjects in general, and of the delivery of those void. I should not hesitate to answer both these important places to his said Majesty and his heirs objections in the negative. But without enterforever, &c., the King of Great Britain does pro-ing into such a controversy, it is sufficient for me fess and declare, with the consent and advice of to say that the time and place for taking such obhis council, that he will take the interest of Port-jections was at the Congress at Vienna. Then agal and all its dominions to heart, defending the same with his utmost power by sea and land, even as England itself;" and it then proceeds to specify the succors to be sent, and the manner of sending them.

By treaty

But

General in

ference as tr treaty obli

and there it was that if you, indeed, considered these treaties as obsolete, you ought frankly and fearlessly to have declared them to be so. then and there, with your eyes open, and in the face of all modern Europe, you proclaimed anew I come next to the treaty of 1703, a treaty of the ancient treaties of alliance, friendship, and alliance cotemporaneous with the Me- guarantee, "so long subsisting between the 1703. thuen treaty, which has regulated, for up- Crowns of Great Britain and Portugal," as still ward of a century, the commercial relations of" acknowledged by Great Britain," and still "ot the two countries. The treaty of 1703 was a full force and effect." It is not, however, on spetripartite engagement between the States Gen- cific articles alone-it is not so much, eral of Holland, England, and Portugal. The perhaps, on either of these ancient treatsecond article of that treaty sets forth, that "Ifies, taken separately, as it is on the spir- gations. ever it shall happen that the Kings of Spain and it and understanding of the whole body of treat France, either the present or the future, that bothies, of which the essence is concentrated and preof them together, or either of them separately, served in the treaty of Vienna, that we acknowl. shall make war, or give occasion to suspect that edge in Portugal a right to look to Great Britain they intend to make war upon the kingdom of as her ally and defender. Portugal, either on the continent of Europe, or on its dominions beyond the seas; her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, and the Lords the States General, shall use their friendly offices with the said Kings, or either of them, in order to persuade them to observe the terms of peace toward Portuga!, and not to make war upon it." The third article declares, "That in the event of these good offices not proving successful, but altogether ineffectual, so that war should be made by the aforesaid Kings, or by either of them upon Portugal, the above-mentioned powers of Great Britain and Holland shall make war with all their force upon the aforesaid Kings or King who shall carry hostile arms into Portugal; and toward that war which shall be carried on in Europe, they shall supply twelve thousand men, whom ney shall arm and pay, as well when in quarters as in action; and the said high allies shall be obliged to keep that number of men complete, by recruiting it from time to time at their own expense."

on now de

This protec

manded.

This, sir, being the state, morally and polit ically, of our obligations toward Port- Part Second ugal, it is obvious that when Portugal, in apprehension of the coming storm, called on Great Britain for assistance, the only hesitation on our part could be-not whether that assistance was due, supposing the occasion for demanding it to arise, but simply whether that occasion-in other words, whether the casus fœ deris had arisen.

some that the

had to

I understand, indeed, that in some quarters it has been imputed to his Majesty's Answer to the ministers that an extraordinary delay objections of intervened between the taking of the government determination to give assistance to slowly. Portugal and the carrying of that determination into effect. But how stands the fact? On Sunday, the third of this month, we received from the Portuguese embassador a direct and formal demand of assistance against a hostile aggression from Spain. Our answer was, that although rumors had reached us through France, his Maj esty's government had not that accurate inform

ation that official and precise intelligence of facts-on which they could properly found an application to Parliament. It was only on last Friday night that this precise information arrived. On Saturday his Majesty's confidential servants came to a decision. On Sunday that decision received the sanction of his Majesty. On Monday it was communicated to both Houses of Parliament; and this day, sir, at the hour in which I have the honor of addressing you, the troops are on their march for embarkation.

That evidence

zature of the

Portuguese governmet

Chambers an extension of power for the execu tive government, and the permission to apply for foreign succors, in virtue of ancient treaties, in the event of their being deemed necessary. The deputies gave the requisite authority by accla mation; and an equally good spirit was nanifested by the peers, who granted every power that the ministers could possibly require. They even went further, and, rising in a body from their seats, declared their devotion to their country, and their readiness to give their personal serv. ices, if necessary, to repel any hostile invasion. The Duke de Cadaval, president of the Chamber, was the first to make this declaration; and the minister who described this proceeding to me. said it was a movement worthy of the good days of Portugal!"

England is

I have thus incidentally disposed of the sup posed imputation of delay in comply- Proof that the ing with the requisition of the Portu- interposition of guese government. The main ques- needed. tion, however, is this: Was it obligatory upon us to comply with that requisition? In other words, had the casus fœderis arisen? In our opinion it

ped, and trained in Spain, had crossed the Spanish frontier, carrying terror and devastation into their own country, and proclaiming sometimes the brother of the reigning Sovereign of Portu gal, sometimes a Spanish Princess, and some. times even Ferdinand of Spain, as the rightful occupant of the Portuguese throne. These rebels crossed the frontier, not at one point only, but at several points; for it is remarkable that the aggression, on which the original application to Great Britain for succor was founded, is not the aggression with reference to which that ap plication has been complied with.

The attack announced by the French newspa

I trust, then, sir, that no unseemly delay is imThey were bound putable to government. But unto have evidence doubtedly, on the other hand, when to act on. the claim of Portugal for assistance -a claim clear, indeed, in justice, but at the same time fearfully spreading in its possible consequences, came before us, it was the duty of his Majesty's government to do nothing on hearsay. The eventual force of the claim was admitted; but a thorough knowledge of facts was necessary before the compliance with that claim could be granted. The government here labored under some disadvantage. The rumors which reached us through Madrid were obviously dis-had. Bands of Portuguese rebels, armed, equiptorted, to answer partial political purposes; and the intelligence through the press of France, though substantially correct, was, in particulars, vague and contradictory. A measure of grave and serious moment could never be founded on such authority; nor could the ministers come down to Parliament until they had a confident assurance that the case which they had to lay before the Legislature was true in all its parts. But there was another reason which induced a necessary caution. In former indelayed by the stances, when Portugal applied to this country for assistance, the whole power of the state in Portugal was vested in the person of the monarch. The ex-pers was on the north of Portugal, in pression of his wish, the manifestation of his de- the province of Tras-os-Montes; an sire, the putting forth of his claim, was sufficient official account of which has been reground for immediate and decisive action on the ceived by his Majesty's government part of Great Britain, supposing the casus fade- only this day. But on Friday an account was ris to be made out. But, on this occasion, in- received of an invasion in the south of Portugal, quiry was in the first place to be made whether, and of the capture of Villa Viciosa, a town lying according to the new Constitution of Portugal, on the road from the southern frontier to Lisbon. the call upon Great Britain was made with the This new fact established even more satisfacto consent of all the powers and authorities compe- rily than a mere confirmation of the attack first tent to make it, so as to carry with it an assur- complained of would have done, the systematic ance of that reception in Portugal for our army, nature of the aggression of Spain against Portuwhich the army of a friend and ally had a right to gal. One hostile irruption might have been made expect. Before a British soldier should put his by some single corps escaping from their quarfoot on Portuguese ground, nay, before he should ters-by some body of stragglers, who might leave the shores of England, it was our duty to have evaded the vigilance of Spanish authorities; ascertain that the step taken by the Regency of and one such accidental and unconnected act of Portugal was taken with the cordial concurrence violence might not have been conclusive evidence of the Legislature of that country. It was but of cognizance and design on the part of those authis morning that we received intelligence of the thorities; but when a series of attacks are made proceedings of the Chambers at Lisbon, which along the whole line of a frontier, it is diffent establishes the fact of such concurrence. This to deny that such multiplied instances of hostile intelligence is contained in a dispatch from Sirty are evidence of concerted aggression. W. A'Court, dated 29th of November, of which I will read an extract to the House. "The day after the news arrived of the entry of the rebels into Portugal, the ministers demanded from the

Portugal in

aded from fereat qu

Spam in dif

ters.

If a single company of Spanish soldiers hai crossed the frontier in hostile array, The invasion there could not, it is presumed, be a Spanish craz doubt as to the character of that in

fact