"At the close of the late negociations with France, which were conducted with so much affected courtesy and moderation, but with so little real skill, and which were even protracted long after the result was obvious to the dullest capacity, there was yet time to repair the mischief which had been so studiously disregarded, or so culpably sought. When Buonaparte left Paris to take the command of his armies against Prussia, secret intelligence, in which we have ever been so miserably deficient, was no longer of use. The determination which he had long privily made, was now publicly proclaimed; and it surely required no great depth of penetration to discover the progression of his plans. Was not this then the moment to combine our preparations, to organize our schemes, to collect our resources, and to be ready, with a powerful and commanding force, effectually to assist those, who, by becoming his enemies, were sure to become our allies? The only foe we had to dread was Buonaparte. Against him our whole strength ought, consequently, to have been directed. If we overcame him, every collateral object was gained: if he prevailed, any advantages we might gain in other quarters, would be of little avail. To what end then, on what principles of sound judgment, or prudent policy, we could so inconsiderately engage in distant expeditions, from which, if we succeeded, we could derive no benefit equivalent to the expense, and which, moreover, by seriously diminishing our strength at home, disabled us from effecting the attainment of all our hopes and speculations, which was the destruction of Buonaparte's continental authority. The fate of our expeditions to Egypt and Constantinople has been such as, from the preparations, was to be expected. By the former, many brave men have been uselessly sacrificed in occu pying a district, which they, eventually, will be compelled to abandon by the latter, the commercial world has been exposed to the loss of a lucrative branch of trade, and the country has been involved in a war with an old and faithful ally. Our expedition to South America, which was on a greater scale, has been pregnant with proportionably greater folly, and has had a proportionably disastrous termination. Independently of the disgrace of failure, it has been attended with very extensive inconvenience and loss. The bravery of our soldiers was never more conspicuous, and on that account, their slaughter is doubly to be deplored. Yet, however creditable the conduct of this expedition may have been to our national courage, it has certainly, in the estimation of mankind, plucked many a leaf from the wreath of our military skill. But it partook, in its origin, of those palpable defects with which every scheme concerted by the late administration so surprisingly abounded, and nothing but what has happened could have been calculated on by any well-informed and reflecting mind. "A blunder, still more ruinous in its consequences, was committed by the assemblage of a numerous army, in Sicily, of whose services, from its position, we were totally deprived. That kind of infatuation which could have induced the late ministry to coop up in such a corner, so powerful a force, it is impossible to account for. A measure, so replete with absurdity, betrays a degree of obstinacy, or of ignorance, which in statesmen is altogether inexcusable, and has been the cause of disasters to this country, most mournful in their nature, and in their consequences irreparable. The moment is now passed, at which Buonaparte might have been successfully attacked, nay, at which he might, to a moral certainty, have been vanquished; nor is it likely speedily to recur. Their total mismanagement of the resources of the empire has, therefore, been accompanied with no trifling or ordinary mischief. It has diverged in every direction: it has been felt in every combination; it has injured the essential interests of the civilized globe; and it has inflicted a wound on the glory and pros perity of Great Britain, which all the skill of science or art may not be able to heal." Having thus exposed the incapacity and mismanagement of our late ministry, the author next proceeds to consider the means left for us to extricate ourselves from those augmented difficulties and dangers in which we have been involved. Decisive and vigorous conduct, celerity of action, and promptitude of attack, display an energy of character, and create for themselves, advantages which, while they surmount difficulty, diminish danger. Without recommending the conduct of France, as a pattern altogether fit for the adoption of our government, our author, nevertheless, subscribes to the general opinion, that her successes have been chiefly owing to the rapidity of her movements; and therefore, he thinks, justly, that we ought to con template her conduct, to a certain extent, so as to secure our safety.

To the ancient public law of Europe, the author pays all due homage; but he, netertheless, draws a distinction, which cannot be too strongly inculcated into the minds of the people." If," says he, p. 27, " we cannot preserve ourselves by adhering to those prescriptive rules, which, from being deserted by others, no longer protect us, we surely are released from all obligation to obey them: and it depends entirely on our discretion to adopt that new mode which new circumstances require. If others suffer from this change in our conduct, we are not to blame-that is their misfortune, not our crime; and the whole mischief is to be imputed to him who forces us into this unavoidable state. In conformity to this reasoning, we are not only justifiable in having recourse to those regulations, which are best qualified to defeat and confine his; but we become guilty of an evident dereliction of a most sacred duty, by postponing the determination so to act. Every society is indispensably bound to watch over its preservation. When that leading object of its solicitude can be effected by the maintenance of mild laws, and the observance of ancient usages, a departure from them is a wicked, and may become a dangerous experiment. But when, by an adherence to them, its existence, from the previous departure of others, is endangered, it is not only weak, but criminal, to persevere in its obedience. Self-preservation supersedes every other obligation, and to the safety of the common-wealth, every other consideration must yield.

"Buonaparte, therefore, having, in every particular, totally annulled the public law of Europe, and, in his principles and his acts, far outstripped every occasional excess, which has ever been committed by those in whose hands the power of empire has before resided, we must resort to the solitary alternative, which his injustice has left us, and endeavour to oppose the profligacy and outrage of his designs, by the sternness of retaliation. Thus, he having declared this country in a state of blockade, and, by the most nefarious and rigorous edicts, compelled every port, over which his authority extends, to be shut against our manufactures, we should instantly resolve to: cut off his means of supply, as well as those of his dependents and friend, by excluding all possibility of commercial dealings from their havens. We should convert our navy to the same use which he makes of his army; and, by putting a complete hindrance to neutral intervention, convince him, that our power could be more detrimentally employed than his. Affairs have at length reached that aggravating and outrageous point of enmity, that it is worse than folly to be any longer restrained in our proceedings by the delicacy of sentiment, or the forms of ceremony. Buonaparte has, in the plainest terms, declared, and he has acted up to the declaration, that every nation which he can coerce by force, or terrify by threats, or persuade by argument, shall be hostile to Great Britain, and shall, in concert with him, contribute its aid to augment our embarrassments, and accelerate our ruin. This being the case, we should be guided in our actions towards him according to the conduct which he observes towards us; and as long as he perseveres in the enforcement of his pernicious doctrines, we should retaliate by similar acts, till we have convinced him of the folly of the experiment on his part.

"Whilst we continue to persevere in our present system of meekness and moderation, by confining ourselves to the obsolete public law of Europe, we evidently disarm ourselves of half our power, Buonaparte, who is restrained by no such squeamish disposition, derives signal and innumerable advantages from the severity of his commercial regulations: but should we interpose with our preponderating means, and retaliate on him and his friends, by the same rigorous inhibitions, he would speedily discover that the chief suffering recoiled on himself. Such is the singular and afflicting position of Europe at this moment, that, strictly speaking, there are but two independent states. From the continent, which he has subjugated, Buonaparte has banished all neutrality. The only neutrality which is left among the nations of the globe, is a maritime one, which of course exists by sufferance from us. From this sufferance France derives all the benefit, and we incur all the mischief. On what principles of policy or justice we are bound to tolerate such an unequal state of things, it is needless to attempt to explain."

Upon thesepsiniples, the author lays down several valuable precepts for the fuof our naval power, and for intercepting the injurious effects occa under neutral flags. And the same deductions from the general

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principles of the suspended laws of equity, warrant our author in giving his full ap probation of the measures of the present administration against Denmark. As that fortunate, but constrained event, has terminated successfully, I shall here insert the author's sentiments, which are, in every respect, congenial with those we have repeatedly advanced in the course of our preceding numbers; and which will suffice to recommend his able pamphlet more immediately to the perusal of my readers.

"The well-concerted expedition against the Danes, which has had so brilliant a termination, certainly augurs well. The whole conduct and execution of this important affair have been truly illustrative of the virtues of the British character. Throughout the operations both of our army and our fleet, generosity accompanied firmness, and, courage was tempered by humanity. Nothing was done but what was absolutely necessary for the attainment of our object; nor was a shot fired till every effort at negociation had failed. Nor was the moment of victory sullied by any of those excesses which are so frequently committed by an elated soldiery. The severest discipline was in all quarters maintained. Persons and property were equally respected. Even the feelings of the inhabitants were spared, and the exultation of success gave way to the esteem which was due to their bravery, and the compassion which was excited by their misfortunes. What a contrast to the capture of a besieged town by the French army! The seizure of the Danish marine is a masterly stroke of political sagacity. Indeed, the entire transaction reflects infinite credit on the present administration. Compared with the pitiful or disastrous schemes of their predecessors, it cannot fail to establish their reputation on the broad basis of public opinion. The preparations were made with a celerity and a secrecy, such as, of late years, have not very frequently characterised the measures of our cabinet, and, what was of still greater moment, the force dispatched was adequate to the accomplishment of the object in view. It was a coherent and consistent plan, well digested and organized throughout, and which has been no less admirable in its execution than in its conception. It has given proofs of a degree of vigour worthy of the powerful means with which this country is blessed, and has evinced a determination to depart from those creeping maxims, and to burst asunder those oppressive chains, by which our best energies have for so long a time been shackles It has also regenerated for us a character as politicians, which the late administration had suffered to fall into utter contempt; and whilst Europe was imagining that we were crouching under the superiority of Buonaparte's genius, and were rendered incapable of any important enterprise, it has exposed the fallacy of their expectations, and has taught them that we have still sense left to contrive, courage to attempt, and power to accomplish.

"A great outcry has nevertheless been raised by a particular set of men against the immorality of these proceedings. But it is natural, that those who would destroy us by their inactivity, should loudly carp at what is now the only policy left to reinstate our affairs. It is in them a perfectly consistent conduct. What their mismanagement would lose, they regret to see secured by the energy and skill of their rivals. It is a fatal blow to their political fame, and must remove to the vanishing point of perspective, all rational hopes of a return to power. We are thus asked a whole string of questions, such as what right had we to invade a neutral state; to molest a friendly power; to depart from the law of nations;" with a multitude of others equally significant and pertinent. My answer to all these interrogatories, and I mean it to apply to whatever else of a similar nature we may think fit to do, is this: That our interest, and by interest I mean, in this instance, that definition of it, which amounts to necessity, required such a proceeding. Independently of this, which however I do not intend to advance as having influenced the motive, or induced the act, the Danes will ultimately be gainers. It is however a satisfactory coincidence in their favour. As they must have fallen either to Britain or to France, there can be no question which will prove the mildest and most generous master. France invades to destroy; we invade to avert that destruction. When France conquers, she sternly places every thing at the mercy of the sword; when we conquer, the justice and benignity of our domestic laws equally protect the persons and the property of those, whom the fortune of war has placed at our disposal. Wherever French power pe netrates, all the horrors of private pillage and public confiscation, of insult and op pression, of every denomination, are dealt forth with unrelenting austerity: wherever

Brinsh power interpoles, it faithfully upholds the san tity of religion, the authority of jariabetion, and preserves, with inviolable honour, every claim of private pro perty, and of persor as freedom. By our invasion of Denmark, we have secured the prize which the Fres à chip coveted; and, by thus removing the principal motive for their attack, have probably ave ed the trightful outrages of their subjugation. By taking possession of the Danish fest, we have prevented it from falling into the hands of a power already too strong, and who work only have employed it as an additional means to tyranatic our makind. In the bands of France it would have been forfelted for ever; in our Lands, it may possibly, at some future period, be restored.”

OF THE BENEVOLENT INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WELLESLEY.

Having already shown that the acquisition of territory, which this nobleman made for his coy, was santioned by justice, and necessary for self-preservation, there is leisure for turning, with increased admiration, to other of his deeds, wherein we shall perceive that he could, when inmediate danger; gave more than sufficient avocation, even for extractulary minds, lay the foundations for securing, in all times, a virtus adininistration of our affairs in India.

There was published, some time since, a volume of official papers, under the title of "The College of Fort-Wam, in Bengal," which places literature under obligations to the noble marquis, even as great as those of the politician.

To the salesman, if he be a man of genius, a framer of meliorating, and discreet regulations, this work is a schoc!, and a model.

If he be a mere office-man, the excellence of its execution, and detail, will, to him, be a most useful lesson and precelent.

To the man who Golights in argument, and that course of reasoning which traces, through the whole subject, from its first principles, to its minutest particularities, it will be a mental feast.

The delighter in style, and merely literary man, may find in it a poignant gratifi

cation.

The following sketch is indeed imperfect; but it may form an index for those who already have the work; and may give some idea of the heads of its contents, to those who have it not.

It commences with a minute of council, transmitted to the India directors, containing lord Wellesley's reasons for thinking a college necessary in India: principally because the administration of the government of the various nations, which compose our possessions in India, is principally confined to the civil servants of the India Company, (p. 1) some of whom dispense justice over a greater extent of country and population, than belongs to any jurisdiction in Europe. (p. 2) The codes are numerous, the laws very complex, and these persons must frequently superadd to their administration of these laws of various nations, the office of governor, of military director, and of ambassador, for all which qualifications, exceeding the result of an English commercial education, must be requisite; yet, of so much importance is a man of this education in India, that on his sill, intelligence, and probity, depends the welfare of whole provinces. (p. 5, 6) In page 16, he shews, that having be come a regular government now, it must not, as formerly, depend on casual talents. There are college rules, to prevent the extravagance usual with your men in In dia, and to prevent their getting into debt: and their future fortunes are made de pendant upon their conduct whilst in college; Thus," he says, in p. 35, every inducement, which any collegiate institution in the world can supply, for the encouragement of diligence, will be added, the immediate view of official promotion, increase of fortune, and distinction in the public service."

An account of the public discussions of the students, at the end of the first year, in a variety of oriental languages, is given; which is followed by a letter from lon Wellesley to the court of directors, in consequence of an order that the colleg should be abolished!

In this letter, he describes how the morals of the young men had been tainted, in that climate, when they had merely attended a seminary, without collegiate control; and, commenting upon the order that students are not to come from the other settle ents to Bengal, but that they are to have distinct seminaries, he goes into a demons

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stration, that these regulations will far exceed the expence of a single college. (p. 86) He then points out the astonishing progress already made by the students, exceeding the most sauguine hopes; and the high emulation, and correction of morals, which it has already created. (p. 87 to 90) He expatiates upon the peculiar advantages derived from having but one college, fixed at Calcutta, for the whole of India; because, there alone, many of the languages can be taught, and thus, alone, the advantages, which have already been obtained from emulation, can be continued; because it enables young men, of all the presidencies, to come in alike for promotion, and kills the jealousies, hitherto existing, between the servants of the different settlements, respectively. (p. 91 to 97)

In p. 103, are mentioned the very great number of works in the numerous languages of the east, which have been published by the college, and the disadvantage which would ensue if the learned natives, who have assisted at the college, should be driven forth to the extremities of Asia, to report, in their respective countries, the failure of this scheme, which had raised us so much in the esteem of that quarter of the globe.

Then follow descriptions of further public discussions, in the different Asiatic languages, and an account of the degrees and rewards, accorded with the strictest impartiality to the parents and friends of the students, all this must give the highest gratification. The statutes of the college are also introduced, in which are interesting rules relating to discipline, religious exercises, morals, and preclusion of expensive habits among the students, provision being fully made, that the young men shall not go into the midst of the unconverted natives, with their minds unimbued with christian principles.

Lord Wellesley, in his address to the college, (p. 137) says, "The principal purpose, in founding this institution, was to secure the junior servants of the company from all undue influence in the discharge their official functions and to introduce them into the public service in perfect freedom and independence; exempt from every restraint, excepting the high and sacred obligations of their civil, moral, and religious duty. The high character of the East India Company, the fame and glory of our country, in this remote region, demand from you a correct observance of all those rules which have been framed for the purpose of securing you against the evils of ignorance, indolence, and extravagance; and of qualifying you in knowledge, in freedom, in virtue, and honour, to administer, to these populous and opulent provinces, the blessings of a just, an honest, a British government.

In recommending the study of the general principles of jurisprudence, he says, "The due administration of just laws within these flourishing and populous provinces, is not only the foundation of the happiness of millions of people, but the main pillar of the vast fabric of the British empire in Asia." (p. 152) And, speaking of the effect of a late collection of laws in India, he says, "The excellence of the general spirit of these laws, is attested by the noblest proof,-just, wise, and honest government; by the restoration of happiness, tranquillity, and security, to an oppressed and suffering people; and by the revival of agriculture, commerce, manufacture, and general opulence, in a declining and impoverished country." (p. 153)

In a review of the first four years of the college, he observes, "It may be doubted, whether such a rapid diffusion of learning, in different languages, from the same source, and in so short a time, had been ever equalled in any age or country. Boys, in the lowest classes, are better skilled in the Persian, Arabic, Hindoostanee, and Bengalee languages, than some of the company's old servants, who have been twenty years in the country.'

In p. 157, is a description of the manner in which peculation and oppression formerly grew up in India: "Under the old system the civil service was overwhelmed with debt, Young men were, on their arrival, committed to the charge of a banian, or native agent, who lent them money on bond, and who considered it as his office to minister to their gratifications. The money thus borrowed, gradually accumulated at an interest of twelve per cent. to a sum which they had no prospect of being able to pay until they should have obtained the highest situations in the service. A worse consequence ensued; the black creditor followed his master wherever he went; and, as the latter knew but little of the native languages, and could not examine his own ac