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nifested in the times in which I live, than even those which had immediately or shortly preceded.

The reception which that work met from the Public, and from all the Reviewers at the time, of whatever party or political fentiments, infpired me with hopes that I might be enabled to execute a work not uninteresting or unimportant to others, on a subject the examination of which was fo pleafing and inftructive to myself. Other gentlemen, I was aware, had handled the fame period; but, without difcuffing the literary merits of either Meffrs. Macfarlane or Belfham, I readily faw, and knew the world believed, that both these gentlemen were rather repeaters of party notions and reports, than original composers of authentic and impartial hiftory; the ground, therefore, did not appear to me to be pre-occupied.

For materials, befides examining all the periodical and occafional narratives of the times, I carefully investigated state-papers, and many other written documents, with which I had been liberally furnished by private communication. For political, commercial, naval, and military information, I applied to men who were most converfant in these subjects, and fortunately never applied in vain. By conversation with intelligent and experienced gentlemen both in the land and fea fervice, I acquired as much knowledge of their respective profeffions, as enabled me to comprehend the general tactics and discipline, their progreffive improvements, and actual state; and thus, in every particular action, to trace the cause and operation whence the event refulted. The financial history and fituation of the VOL. I. country,

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country, I ftudied in the most approved works; and in official documents, for accefs to which I am indebted to the private friendship of a member of the legiflature. Where my fubject required legal investigation, in addition to reading, I had recourfe to eminent counsellors; and to a gentleman, who is now about to leave a country adorned by his genius and erudition, I am peculiarly indebted for many of the ideas that will be found in the parting view of lord Mansfield. In fhort, on every topic that required either narrative or difcuffion, I have confulted the most authentic evidence, and the best approved judges.

In the difpofition of my materials, I have adopted the following plan. Previous to the commencement of the History, there is an Introduction, which traces the progreffive improvement of England, in internal profperity and ftrength, as well as in estimation and importance among foreign Powers, from the earliest times to the beginning of the war 1756.

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liminary chapter contains the caufes and outline of hoftilities, with the internal tranfactions and state of the country during the laft years of the late king; in order that the reader, having before him at the acceffion of his prefent majefty, the outfet of national affairs, foreign and domestic, may more eafily perceive progreffion and refult. Both in the Introduction and Hiftory, it has been my endeavour to place in a just and ftriking light the force of the British character, formed and invigorated by the British conftitution; and to demonstrate that Britain, either in peace or in war, profpers and conquers, because the excels in wifdom and virtue.

This is the moral leffon which my narrative attempts to inculcate; and if I do not fucceed, the deficiency is in myself, and not in my fubject. It is poffible that my narrative may be charged with national partiality: I confess I love my country, and hate her enemies; and if this be à crime, I-muft plead guilty. I trust, however, that notwithstanding my warm affection for Britain, and my admiration of her stupendous efforts, I fhall be found, even in reciting the contests with her foes, to have rigidly adhered to historical truth, and done justice to the exertions of her enemies ; who, in disciplined valour, genius, and power, far furpaffed any foes that were ever opposed to the heroes of ancient Greece or Rome.

In the divifion of this Hiftory I have endeavoured to end each volume at fome important epoch. -The firft, clofes with the termination of his majesty's first parliament in 1768, and brings Irish affairs to the fame period. The fecond, carries the American war to the capture of Burgoyne.The third, contains the efforts of Britain under the preffure of difficulty, and her arduous struggles against the combined force of her revolted colonies, and her ancient friends joined with her ancient enemies in Europe; traces her through her dangers to the Peace, and ends with the diffolution of that parliament in which a majority of the commons attempted to dictate to the king in the the choice of a minifter.-The fourth, commences the efficient administration of Mr. Pitt, and follows the history of peace and profperity to the eve of an event which was destined to fill the world with wars unpre.

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unprecedented in the annals of nations.-The fifth, commences with the French revolution, and finishes at 1794, when the character of the French nation was manifested in the junction of the highest national energy with the most deplorable national crime.The fixth, conducts the narrative to its clofe, in the termination of the late war.

It was my intention to have extended the work to the Peace of Amiens; but the recent rupture, with the official expofition of its causes, having fhewn that one of the parties regarded it merely as a temporary truce, the ceffation of hoftilities appeared to me to form a more proper epoch, than the conclufion of a treaty which the conduct of our enemy has proved to have been regarded by him as no treaty.

Such are the object, plan, and distribution of this prefent History; and if its execution be received with equal favour as my former labours, it will answer the most fanguine expectations of the Au

thor.

SLOANE-TERRACE,

June 17th, 1803.

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