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I understand that the captors, in this case, are likely to be urgent for condemnation; and that the orders in council will, if unrepealed, be considered by the court as imposing upon it a necessity to pronounce such a sentence. I am further informed that the cause may be heard, if the captors press it, on or very soon after Tuesday next. I trust, however, that the necessary steps will be taken by the British government for preventing the signal injustice and the many embarrassments that could not fail to result from such an adjudication.

I have the honour to be, &c.

WM. PINKNEY.

Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State. London, Dec. 23,

1810.

SIR, I received on the 20th instant, from Liverpool, your letter of the 19th of October, the only one yet received of a date subsequent to the 17th of July.

My letter of the 14th of November will show that I had myself resolved upon the course of proceeding which the last paragraph of your letter indicates. I now wait only for the restoration of the capacity of the government.

I presume that my note to lord Wellesley of the 21st of September, will be considered as having anticipated such parts of your letter as relate to blockades. No answer of any sort has been given to that note, but I will not fail to take the first occasion to reinforce it, by enlarging on the considerations to which you allude. In my opinion the subject cannot be too much pressed, nor the importance of it exaggerated. If such blockades are to continue, we shall have got rid of the orders of 1807 and 1809 in vain.

You will perceive, that in my note above mentioned, I undertook to mention the blockade of the whole island of Zealand, as one of those paper blockades to which the United States objected; that in my note of the 25th of August, that blockade was comprehended under the general description of such orders as were "analogous to" the orders in council of 1807 and 1809; and that in my late note (of the 10th instant,) I have urged the revocation of all the blockades to which my note of the 21st of September related.

I had no instructions to warrant me in representing any other blockade than that of May, 1806, as indispensable in the view of our laws concerning commercial intercourse with Great Britain and France. I have endeavoured, however, so to shape my different notes to lord Wellesley, as that when taken together they may be considered to embrace the whole of the paper blockades for every purpose, or only for particular purposes, as future instructions or convenience might require.

Upon the subject of impressments I need not say any thing, as the affair of the Chesapeake has not been adjusted. For other matters, I refer you to the newspapers. I have the honour to be, &c.

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In calling you together, sooner than a separation from your homes would otherwise have been required, I yielded to considerations drawn from the posture of our foreign affairs; and in fixing the present, for the time of your meeting, regard was had to the probability of further developments of the policy of the belligerent powers towards this country, which might the more unite the national councils, in the measures to be pursued.

At the close of the last session of Congress, it was hoped that the successive confirmations of the extinction of the French decrees, so far as they violated our neutral commerce, would have induced the government of Great Britain to repeal its orders in council; and thereby authorize a removal of the existing obstructions to her commerce with the United States.

Instead of this reasonable step towards satisfaction and friendship between the two nations, the orders were, at a

moment when least to have been expected, put into more rigorous execution; and it was communicated through the British envoy just arrived, that, whilst the revocation of the edicts of France, as officially made known to the British government, was denied to have taken place; it was an indispensable condition of the repeal of the British orders, that commerce should be restored to a footing that would admit the productions and manufactures of Great Britain, when owned by neutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy: the United States being given to understand that, in the mean time, a continuance of their non-importation act would lead to measures of retaliation.

At a later date, it has indeed appeared, that a communication to the British government, of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French decrees against our neutral trade, was followed by an intimation, that it had been transmitted to the British plenipotentiary here, in order that it might receive full consideration in the depending discussions. This cummunication appears not to have been received: But the transmission of it hither, instead of founding on it an actual repeal of the orders, or assurances that the repeal would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effective change in the British cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory proofs of such a change, and to proceed, in the mean time, in adapting our measures to the views which have been disclosed through that minister, will best consult our whole duty.

In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures, indemnity and redress for other wrongs, have continued to be withheld; and our coasts, and the mouths of our harbours, have again witnessed scenes, not less derogatory to the dearest of our national rights, than vexatious to the regular course of our trade.

Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war hovering on our coasts was an encounter between one of them, and the American frigate, commanded by captain Rodgers, rendered unavoidable. on the part of the latter, by a fire, commenced without cause, by the former; whose commander is, therefore, alone chargeable with the blood unfortunately shed in maintaining the honour of the American flag. The pro-ceedings of a court of inquiry, requested by captain Rod

gers, are communicated; together with the correspondence relating to the occurrence, between the Secretary of State and his Britannick majesty's envoy. To these are added, the several correspondences which have passed on the subject of the British orders in council; and to both, the correspondence relating to the Floridas, in which Congress will be made acquainted with the interposition which the government of Great Britain has thought proper to make against the proceedings of the United States. The justice and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the United States, towards France, both before and since the revocation of her decrees, authorized an expectation that her government would have followed. up that measure, by all such others as were due to our reasonable claims, as well as dictated by its amicable professions. No proof, however, is yet given, of an intention to repair the other wrongs done to the United States; and particularly to restore the great amount of American property seized and condemned under edicts, which, though not affecting our neutral relations, and therefore not entering into questions between the United States and other belligerents, were nevertheless, founded in such unjust principles, that the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample.

In addition to this, and other demands of strict right, on that nation, the United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and unexpected restrictions, to which their trade with the French dominions has been subjected; and which, if not discontinued, will require at least corresponding restrictions on importations from France into the United States.

On all those subjects, our minister plenipotentiary, lately sent to Paris, has carried with him the necessary instructions; the result of which will be communicated to you, and by ascertaining the ulterior policy of the French government towards the United States, will enable you to adapt to it, that of the United States towards France.

Our other foreign relations remain without unfavourable changes. With Russia, they are on the best footing of friendship. The ports of Sweden have afforded proofs of friendly dispositions towards our commerce, in the councils of that nation also. And the information from our special minister to Denmark, shows that the mission

had been attended with valuable effects to our citizens, whose property had been so extensively violated and endangered by cruisers under the Danish flag.

Under the ominous indications which commanded attention, it became a duty to exert the means committed to the executive department, in providing for the general security. The works of defence on our maritime frontier have accordingly been prosecuted, with an activity leaving little to be added for the completion of the most important ones; and, as particularly suited for co-operation in emergencies, a portion of the gun-boats have, in particular harbours, been ordered into use. The ships of war before in commission, with the addition of a frigate, have been chiefly employed as a cruising guard to the rights of our coast. And such a disposition has been made of our land forces, as was thought to promise the services most appropriate and important. In this disposition is included a force, consisting of regulars and militia, embodied in the Indiana territory, and marched towards our North Western frontier. This measure was made requisite by several murders and depredations committed by Indians; but more especially by the menacing preparations and aspect of a combination of them on the Wabash under the influence and direction of a fanatick of the Shawanese tribe. With these exceptions the Indian tribes retain their peaceable dispositions towards us, and their usual pursuits.

I must now add, that the period is arrived, which claims from the legislative guardians of the national rights a system of more ample provisions for maintaining them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States, to substitute, for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries, all the mutual advantages of re-established friendship and confidence; we have seen that the British cabinet perseveres, not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it; but in the execution, brought home to the threshhold of our territory, of measures which, under existing circumstances, have the character, as well as the effect, of war on our lawful commerce.

With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in trampling on rights which no independent nation can relinquish,

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