manages so much better all the concerns to which it is equal, but a public institution can alone supply those sciences which, though rarely called for, are yet necessary to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the improvement of the country, and some of them to its preservation. The present consideration of a national establishment for education particularly is rendered proper by this circumstance also, that if Congress, approving the proposition, shall yet think it more eligible to found it on a donation of lands, they have it now in their power to endow it with those which will be among the earliest to produce the necessary income. This foundation would have the advantage of being independent in war, which may suspend other improvements by requiring for its own purposes the resources destined for them.1 XXXVII. The second annual message of President James Madison, delivered December 5, 1810, embracing these words: While it is universally admitted that a well-instructed people alone can be permanently a free people, and while it is evident that the means of diffusing and improving useful knowledge from so small a proportion of the expenditures for national purposes, I can not presume it to be unreasonable to invite your attention to the advantages of superadding to the means of education provided by the several States a seminary of learning instituted by the national legislature within the limits of their exclusive jurisdiction, the expense of which might be defrayed or reimbursed out of the vacant grounds which have accrued to the nation within these limits, Such an institution, though local in its legal character, would be universal in its beneficial effects. By enlightening the opinions, by expanding the patriotism, and by assimilating the principles, the interests, and the manners of those who might resort to this temple of science, to be redistributed in due time through every portion of the community, sources of jealousy and prejudice would be diminished, the features of national character would be multiplied and greater extent given to social harmony. But above all a well-constituted seminary in the center of the nation is recommended by the consideration that the additional instruction emanating from it would contribute not less to strengthen the foundations than to adorn the structure of our free and happy system of government. 2 XXXVIII. The favorable opinion of the committee of the House of Representatives, to whom was referred, on December 10, 1810, that part of the President's message which related to the establishment of a seminary of learning by the national legislature; the report of which committee as presented by Samuel L. Mitchell, chairman, while raising the questions of authority to appropriate money for that purpose, and of practicability also in view of the then slender resources clearly avail able, nevertheless set forth the importance of such an institution: In obedience to the order of the House the committee has duly considered the important matter referred. An university or institution for the communication of knowledge in the various departments of literature and science presents to the mind at one view subjects of the most pleasing contemplation. To a free people it would seem that a seminary in which the culture of the heart and of the understanding should be the chief object would be one of the first guards of their privileges and a leading object of their care. Under this conviction the patriotic spirit of Washington led him more than once to recommend in his speeches to Congress such an undertaking. He even be 1 Annals, 9th Cong., 2d sess., p. 14. 2 Annals, 11th Cong., 3d sess., p. 14. queathed a legacy to the national university, which he persuaded himself would at some future day be brought into being. Two other Presidents have subsequently presented the subject to the Legislature as worthy of special consideration. Authorities so respectable in favor of a project so desirable carry great weight. A central school at the seat of the General Government, darting its rays of intellectual light or rolling the flood of useful information throughout the land, could not fail to make a strong impression. A noble and enlarged institution may be conceived to impart to its pupils the most excellent instruction, and, by properly qualifying persons to be teachers and professors, to introduce an uniform system of education among the citizens. * * * * * The Constitution does not warrant the creation of such a corporation by any express provision. But under the right to legislate exclusively over the District wherein the United States have fixed their seat of government Congress may erect a university at any place within the 10 miles square ceded by Maryland and Virginia. This can not be doubted. * * * The message before the committee proposes, however, the institution of a seminary of learning by the national legislature within the limits of their exclusive jurisdiction, the expense of which may be defrayed or reimbursed out of the vacant grounds which have accrued to the nation within these limits. On inquiry into the value of these public lots they fall so far short of the sum requisite for the object that if there was no constitutional impediment, they could not be relied upon on account of the smallness and unproductiveness of the capital they embrace.' XXXIX. President Madison's seventh annual message, delivered December 15, 1815, wherein he said: The present is a favorable season, also, for bringing into view the establishment of a national seminary of learning within the District of Columbia, and with means drawn from the property therein, subject to the authority of the General Government. Such an institution claims the patronage of Congress as a monument of that solicitude for the advancement of knowledge without which the blessings of liberty can not be fully enjoyed or long preserved; as a model of instruction in the formation of other seminaries; as a nursery of enlightened preceptors; as a central resort of youth and genius from every part of their country, diffusing on their return examples of those national feelings, those liberal sentiments, and those congenial manners which contribute cement to our Union and strength to the political fabric of which that is the foundation. 2 XL. President Madison's last annual message, December 3, 1816: The importance which I have attached to the establishment of a university within this District on a scale and for objects worthy of the American nation, induces me to renew my recommendation of it to the favorable consideration of Congress, and I particularly invite again their attention to the expediency of exercising their existing powers, and where necessary of resorting to the prescribed mode of enlarging them, in order to effectuate a common system of roads and canals, such as will have the effect of drawing more closely together every part of our country by promoting intercourse and improvements and by increasing the share of every part in the common stock of national prosperity. 3 XLI. Report to the House of Representatives, submitted by Mr. R. H. Wilde in behalf of the committee to whom was referred so much of the President's message as relates to the subject of a national uni Ex. Docs., 11th Cong., 3d sess., p. 975, 2 Annals 14th Cong., 1st sess., p. 17, 3 Id., 2d sess., p. 14, S. Mis, 222-4 versity. Read December 11, 1816, and, with an accompanying bill for the establishment of a national university, referred to a Committee of the Whole House on December 12; which report, with accompanying estimates, is as follows: The committee of the House of Representatives, to whom was referred so much of the President's message as relates to the subject of a national university, report to the House, as the result of their deliberations, a bill for the erection and endowment of such an institution. The committee, pursuant to usual forms might, perhaps, without impropriety, regard this a sufficient performance of their duty, and after presenting the bill without comment, have left it to find its appropriate place among others, and to receive or be denied consideration, according to the opinion entertained of its consequence and urgency. But the number of communications relative to the subject which, though they have received attention, seem to have escaped it because they have not been definitely acted on, may possibly expose the House to a censure more serious than that of merely neglecting the successive recommendations of several successive chief magistrates—a censure as injurious as unjust, yet not unbecoming that body to prevent by making as soon as possible some disposition of a question that ought to be determined on account of its frequent occurrence, even though it should not otherwise be thought particularly interesting. * * Your committee therefore have ventured to suggest some of the reasons which recommend the present as a favorable time for investigating, and perhaps, also, adopting, the plan they have proposed. Among these, the prosperous state of our finances, leaving a large unappropriated surplus, the probability of a long continued peace, the flourishing condition of our Capital, and the facility with which a portion of the public property within it might now be advantageously disposed of, so as at once to increase the convenience of the city and support the proposed institution, may fairly be enumerated. Besides, the information heretofore collected has enabled the committee to report at an early period, and it is believed that the present session, though inevitably a short one, will not present so many objects of great difficulty or deep interest as entirely to exclude others of a more tranquil and less obtrusive character to which it is possible a portion of time might be profitably devoted. The acquisition of a scientific and literary reputation not unworthy of their naval and military renown can never be beneath the ambition of a people, since the most durable of all glory is that of exalted intellect. The world is still a willing captive to the spells of ancient genius, and the rivalry of modern empires will be perpetuated by their arts and their learning-the preservers of that fame which arms alone may indeed win, but can never keep. Azy measure which contributes, however scantily, to give American literature and science a rank and name among mankind, can not, therefore, be regarded with indifference by our citizens, and every effort toward that end must be witnessed at the present moment with universal satisfaction, since it will present the interesting spectacle of a young nation bending its whole strength to the pursuit of true greatness, and anxious to emulate all that is amiable in peace as well as all that is noble in war. That the institution contemplated will have a happy influence on the harmony and welfare of our country and the unity of our national character has been often supposed, and your committee feel inclined to anticipate effects no less happy from its operation on the genius of our people. If America's invention, unassisted as it has been, already excites the astonishment of Europe, what may not be expected from it when aided and encouraged? And why should not aid and encouragement be yielded by institutions like the present, founded and endowed by the munificence of the State! In our own day we have seen them work wonders in physical science, even when directed by a stern, jealous, and exacting government, which, while training the mind to be quick, dextrous, and daring, darkened its vision and circumscribed its flight. Is it here alone they would be impotent, where no depth could be hidden from its glance, no height forbidden to its wing. But your committee, fearful of exhausting your patience, forbear to extend this report by arguments which it is easier to multiply than to withhold. For the same reason they refrain from answering objections which could be stated without injury; since in replying to them, force and perspicuity must be sacrificed to conciseness. Nor can such a course be required, when it is intended merely to present a general result, not the particular process of reasoning by which that result has been attained. Your committee, however, desire it to be understood that they have not declined examining any objection which occurred to them; and though some have been found, which, it must be confessed, are not without difficulty, all are thought capable of a satisfactory answer. Under a conviction, therefore, that the means are ample, the end desirable, the object fairly within the legislative powers of Congress, and the time a favorable one, your committee recommend the establishment of a national university, and have directed their chairman to submit a bill and estimates for that purpose. Estimates of the value of lots and squares belonging to the United States, as furnished by communications from the superintendent of the city. Four thousand building lots of 5,265 square feet each, and about 2,000-foot front on the waters of the Potomac River, Eastern Branch, valued at.... $750,000 Squares 1 to 6 proposed to be laid off into building lots, containing in the whole, 816,000 square feet, or 155 standard lots, valued at.. 200,000 But the latter amount is the only one which it is supposed could be speedily utilized. Estimate of the expense of buildings for the national university, on a plan susceptible of extension, but calculated for the present to answer for 160 persons 200,000 Mr. Wilde's committee also presented a bill for the establishment of a National University, as follows: Be it enacted, etc., That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized and required to cause to be surveyed and laid off into building lots such part as he shall think proper of the ground reserved of the United States in the city of Washington, and to cause the same to be sold at such times and places and in such proportions and under such regulations as he shall prescribe; and the proceeds thereof, after defraying the charges of survey and sale, to be invested in such stocks or public securities as shall by him be deemed advisable; and the same, when so invested, and the dividends thereon arising, shall constitute a fund for the support of a national university. SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized to cause to be erected, on such site within the District of Columbia as he shall elect, the buildings necessary for a national university; and for defraying the expense thereof the sum of dollars is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of any money in the Treasury of the United States not otherwise appropriated by law. SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, required to cause to be prepared and laid before Congress at its next session, a plan for the regulation and government of the said university.1 'Annals, 14th Cong., 2d sess., p. 257. Which bill was twice read and committed. Near the close of the session Mr. Wilde, chairman of the committee, having failed to secure proper consideration for the measure, himself moved and secured its indefinite postponement. XLII. Support of the general proposition by the Hon. Charles H. Atherton, of New Hampshire, who, seeing that there were doubts in the minds of some as to the powers of Congress under the Constitution, on the 12th of December, 1816, offered for consideration a resolution providing for an amendment thereto, in the following words: The Congress shall have power to establish a national university.1 The House, deeming such amendment unnecessary, decided against the consideration of the resolution by a vote of 86 to 54. XLIII. The efforts of Drs. Josiah Meigs, Edward Cutbush, Thomas Sewall, Thomas Law, Dr. Alexander McWilliams, and of Judge William Cranch, who, having lost confidence in aid from Congress, avowedly went to work to realize the aspirations of Washington and his successors by founding, first, the Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences in 1819, and, secondly, the Columbian College, at length incorporated in 1821. XLIV. The introduction by Mr. Mark L. Hill, of Massachusetts, of the following resolution in the House of Representatives, on the 23d of December, 1819: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of establishing a National University within the District of Columbia, and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.2 Mr. Hill said, in introducing his motion, that the adoption of this measure had been recommended by each of our illustrious presidents, and with the particular view among other things, to perpetuate the Union and form a national character. Whatever had this tendency he wanted to promote. The motion failed. XLV. The efforts of President Monroe, whose sympathy with the plans of Washington were often expressed, and who was glad to believe that Columbian College would in time become a national university, as appears from his letter of March 28, 1820, in which he says: The establishment of the institution within the Federal district, in the presence of Congress and of all the departments of the Government, will secure to those who may be educated in it many important advantages, among which are the opportunity to hear the debates in Congress and in the Supreme Court. If it receives hereafter the proper encouragement, it can not fail to be eminently useful to the nation. * * * XLVI. The action of Congress in this general interest— (1) By granting to the Columbian Institute the use of rooms in the 1 Annals, 14th Cong., 2nd sess., p. 268. 2 Annals, 16th Cong., 1st sess., p. 780, |