the new states formed by France, were states in the proper sense of the term, and not French provinces. But it cost the cabinet of St. Cloud only a word to deprive them of their independence. The appellation, The Great Empire, was invented, and that empire was immediately surrounded with vassals.

Thus there was no trace of the treaty left, yet Prussia proceeded to shut her ports against England, and still considered herself as having obligations to fulfil.

The emperor, at length, informed his majesty that it was his pleasure to dissolve the German empire, and form a confederation of the Rhine, and he recommended to the king to establish a similar confederation in the north of Germany.-This was according to his customary policy; a policy which had long been crowned with success; at the moment of the birth of any new project, to throw out a lure to those courts which might occasion difficulties in the execution of such project. The king adopted the idea of such a confederation, not that the advice he received made the least impression on him, but because, in fact, it was rendered necessary by circumstances; aud, because, after the succession of the princes who had acceded to the confederation of the Rhine, a close union between those of the north, became more than ever the condition of their safety. The king took measures to establish this league, but on other principles from those of the model presented to him. He made it his pride to collect the last of the Germans under his banners; but the rights of each he left unimpaired, and honour alone was the bond of the league.

But could France advise the king to any measure which should be productive of advantage to Prussia ? We shall soon see what is to be ex pected when France makes professions of favour.

In the first place, care had been taken to introduce into the fundamental statute of the confederation of the Rhine, an article which contained the germ of all future innovations. It provided, that other, princes should be received into this confederation, should they desire it. In this manner, all relations in Germany were left indeterminate ; and as the means were still reserved to detach and annex to this league the weaker states, either by promise or threats, it was but too probable that, in time, this confederation would be extended into the heart of the Prussian monarchy.

And, that this might no longer remain doubtful, but be manifest te every one, the first attempt was immediately made. Fortunately, it was made on a prince who knows not fear, and who considers independence as the highest object of his ambition. The French minister at Cassel invited the elector to throw himself into the arms of his master. Prussia, it was alledged, did nothing for her allies!-It is true, Napoleon knows how to manage his better; and every one sees that Spain and Holland, and the kings of Wirtemberg and Bavaria, have to thank their alliance with him for peace, independence, and honour ! Prussia did nothing for her allies. Napoleon, on the contrary, would, reward the accession of the elector by an enlargement of his territory.

And this treachery was exercised towards an ally, and at the very moment when the king was advised

to form his alliance, of which Hesse was to be the first bulwark, endeayours were made to detach from him a power, whom family connections, alliances, and relations of every kind, united in the closest manner to his majesty's person.

But even these hostile steps were not sufficient. Does any one wish to know what was the lure by which it was hoped to gain the elector of Hesse, and what was the augmentation of territory with the expectation of which he was flattered? It was the prince of Orange, the brother-in-law of the king-that prince who had been twice deceived in the most shameful manner-who was now to be robbed the third time! He still possessed the territory of Fulda; this was promised to the elector, and it would have been given, had the elector consented to accept it, and had not Prussia taken up arms.

His majesty saw the system of usurpation advance every day; he saw a circle, continually becoming narrower, drawn round him, and even the right of moving within it beginning to be disputed with him, for a sweeping resolution forbade a passage to any foreign troops, armed or not armed, through the states of the confederation. This was to cut off, contrary to the rights of nations, the connection between the detached Hessian provinces; this was to prepare pretexts on which to act; this was the first threat of punishment aimed at a magnani mous prince, who had preferred a defender to a master.

But even after this, his majesty cannot reflect on it without admiration; the king considered whether a combination might not be found, which should render this state of

things compatible with the maintenance of peace.

The emperor Napoleon appeared to be solicitous to remove this doubt. Two negotiations were then carrying on at Paris, one with Russia, the other with the English ministry. In both these negotiations the intentions of France against Prussia were evidently manifested.

By the treaty which the emperor of Russia has refused to ratify, France offered, in conjunction with Russia, to prevent Prussia from depriving the king of Sweden of his German territories. Yet, for many months, the cabinet of St. Cloud had continually pressed the king to seize those states, with the threefold view,-first to revenge himself on the king of Sweden; secondly, to embroil Prussia with all other powers; and, thirdly, to purchase her silence with respect to the subversion of Southern Germany. But the king had long been aware, that such were the views of France; and his unfortunate dispute with Sweden was painful to him. He had, therefore, been careful to provide against every suspicion of self-inte rested motives, and he confided his explanations to the emperor Alexander. The scene now again changed, and Napoleon, who had so long been the enemy of the king of Swe den, was suddenly transformed into his protector.

It is not superfluous to remark, that, in this insidious treaty of the French emperor, in order to satisfy the honourable interest which the court of St. Petersburgh took in the maintenance of the rights of the king of Naples, he promised the latter an indemnification; engaging to prevail on the king of Spain to cede to him the Belcaric islands.

He

will act in the same manner with respect to the augmentation of territory he pretends to bestow on his allies.

These were all preludes to the steps he took against Prussia: we now approach the moment which determined his majesty.

Prussia had hitherto derived nothing from her treaties with France but humiliation and loss; one single advantage remained. The fate of Hanover was in her power; and it must remain, unless the last pledge of the security of the north were annihilated. Napoleon had solemnly guaranteed this state of things, yet he negotiated with England on the basis of the restoration of the electorate. The king is in possession of the proofs.

War was now in fact declareddeclared by every measure taken by France. Every month produced a new notification of the return of his army; but, on one frivolous pretext or another, it was still continued in Germany; and for what purposes ?-Gracious heaven! to eradicate the last trace of sovereignty among the Germans-to treat kings as governors appointed by himself to drag before military tribunals citizens only responsible to their own governments; to declare others outlaws who lived peaceably in foreign states, under foreign sovereigns, and even in the capital of a German emperor, because they had published writings in which the French government, or at least its despotism, was attacked; and this at the time when the same government daily permitted hired libellers to attack, under its protection, the honour of all crowned heads, and the most sacred feelings of nations.

The French troops were in no manner diminished, but continually reinforced and augmented, and continually advanced nearer to the frontiers of Prussia or her allies, till they at length took a position which could only menace Prussia, and were even assembled in force in Westphalia, which certainly was not the road to the Mouths of the Cattaro.

It was no longer doubtful that Napoleon had determined to overwhelm Prussia with war, or to render her forever incapable of war, since he was leading her from humiliation to humiliation, till she should be reduced to such a state of political degradation and feebleness, that, deprived of every defence, she could have no other will than that of her formidable neighbour.

The king delayed no longer. He assembled his army. General Knobelsdorf was sent to Paris with the final declaration of his majesty. Only one measure remained which could give security to the king, which was the return of the French' troops over the Rhine. General Knobelsdorf had orders to insist on this demand; it was not the whole of the king's just demands, but it was necessary that it should be the first, since it was the condition of his future existence. The acceptance or refusal of it must shew the real sentiments of the French emperor.

Unmeaning professions-arguments, the real virtue of which were known by long experience—were the only answer the king received. Far from the French army being recalled, it was announced that it would be reinforced; but with a haughtiness still more remarkable than this refusal, an offer was made,

that

that the troops which had marched into Westphalia should return home, if Prussia would desist from her preparations. This was not all: it was insolently notified to the king's ministers, that the cities of Hamburgh, Bremen, and Lubeck, would not be suffered to join the northern confederation, but that France would take them under her protection, in the same manner as in the other confederation, she had given away cities, and promulgated laws, without permitting any other power to make the least pretension. The king was required to suffer a foreign interest to be introduced into the heart of his monarchy.

Another contrast of conduct incensed the king to the utmost. He received from the emperor a letter full of those assurances of esteem, which, certainly, when they do not accord with facts, ought to be considered as nothing, but which the dignity of sovereigns renders a duty to themselves, even when on the eve of war. Yet, a few day afterwards, at a moment when the sword was not yet drawn-when the minister of the emperor endeavoured to mislead those of the king, by assurances on assurances of the friendly intentions of France--the Publiciste of the 16th of September, appeared, with a diatribe against the king and the Prussian state, in a style worthy of the most disgrace ful periods of the revolution, in sulting to the nation, and what, in other times than ours, would have been considered as amounting to a declaration of war.

The king can treat slanders that are merely abusive, with contempt, but when these slanders contribute to explain the real state of things, it would be unwise to treat them so

The last doubt had now disappeared, troops marched from the interior of France towards the Rhine. The intent to attack Prussia was clear and certain. The king or dered a note to be transmitted by general Knobelsdorf, containing the conditions on which he was ready to come to an accommodation.These conditions were :

1. That the French troops should immediately evacuate Germany.

2. That France should oppose no obstacle to the formation of the northern confederacy; and that this confederacy might embrace all the larger and smaller states, not included in the fundamental act of the confederation of the Rhine.

3. That a negotiation should be immediately commenced, for the adjustment of all differences still in dispute: a preliminary article of which should be, the restoration of the three abbeys, and the separation of the town of Wezel from the French empire.

These conditions speak for themselves: they shew how moderate the king, even at this moment, has been in his demands, and how much the maintenance of peace, if France wishes peace, depends upon France herself.

for his cause is just. Never has a sovereign made greater sacrifices to peace. He pushed his condescension to the last limit that honour would allow. Every thing which was directed against him personally, he passed over in silence. The opinions of the ignorant, and the reflections of the slanderous, he despised, animated with the constant hope, that he would be able to conduet his people, without injury, to that period which must sooner or later arrive, when unjust greatness shall find its bounds; and ambition, which obstinately refused to acknowledge any limits, shall at length overleap itself.

The motives which induce his majesty to take up arms, are not to satisfy his resentments, to increase

knows what he may expect from their energy and affection. Princes, the honour of the German name, who can confide in his gratitude and honour, and who, fighting by his side, are not dubious of victory, have joined their banners with his; and a sovereign, who adorns with his virtues one of the first thrones in the world, is penetrated with the justice of his cause. Every where his arms are blessed by the voice of the people, and even where they are silent from fear, their impatience is the greater. With so many motives to be conscious of her strength, Prussia may well be permitted con. tinually to confide in her high destiny. Head-quarters, Erfurt, Oct. 9, 1806.

uneasy which he shall always esteem, as long as it confines itself to its just and natural interests; but to avert from his kingdom the fate which was preparing for it; to preserve to the people of Frederick, their independence and their glory;

to

rescue unfortunate Germany from the yoke by which it is op. pressed, and to bring about a safe and honourable peace. The day on which he shall effect this, will be the proudest of his life. The events of the war which is now be ginning, are in the disposal of Supreme Wisdom.-His majesty leaves it to others to indulge in premature exultation and gratuitous insult, as he has for a long time allowed them the miserable satisfaction arising from unjust invectives. He leads to an honourable combat an army worthy of its former glory. He reigns over a people of whom he may be proud; and, while he is ready to shed his blood for them, he

peror and King.

Senators,

We have quitted our capital to place ourselves in the midst of our army of Germany, at the moment we saw with certainty that its flanks were menaced with unexpected movements. Scarcely arrived on the froutiers of our states, we had an opportunity of perceiving how much our presence was necessary there, and of congratulating ourself on the defensive measures that we had taken before we quitted the centre of our empire. Already the Prussian armies, ready for war, were in motion in all parts; they had passed their frontiers; Saxony was invaded, and the wise prince who governs it was forced to act against his will, and against the interest of his people. The Prussian armies had arrived in face of the cantonments of our troops. Provocations` of every kind, and even acts of vio

lence,