XV. 1728. CHAP. point. A proposal for a provisional instead of a definitive treaty equally failed, and it became necessary to revert once more to separate negotiations. "It is evident to us all here," writes Townshend, "that this nation will not long bear this uncertain "state of things." It was lamented in the King's Speech, when Parliament met again in January, 1729, “and I am not insensible," said His Majesty, "that some may be induced to think that an actual "war is preferable to such a doubtful and imper"fect peace; but the exchange is very easy to be "made at any time!" 1729. Although the Session of 1729 was almost entirely engrossed with Foreign affairs, there are two other of its transactions that seem deserving of attention. The first was, the expression of the public joy and loyal congratulations to the King at the arrival of Frederick Prince of Wales. For some reason not very clear, but probably to gratify the Hanoverian party, the young Prince had never been allowed to visit England in the lifetime of George the First. He now came over at the age of twentyone, a pledge of the Protestant succession, and not without qualities to captivate the multitude, who are always apt to love an heir apparent better than a King. I shall have occasion to show how soon this fair prospect was clouded and darkened by faction, and how scrupulously Frederick followed his father's example in caballing against him. * To Mr. Poyntz, February 21. 1729. XV. 1729. Another affair this Session, in which the Court CHAP. was less honourably mingled, was a motion for granting His Majesty 115,000l. to supply a deficiency in the Civil List. It afterwards appeared that in truth there was no such deficiency, yet the Minister persevered and carried the Bill by a large majority. The transaction was very painful to Walpole, and no less injurious to his public character; and he is said to have used every argument with the Court to dissuade it from urging the demand. We are told also that the resistance to it in the House of Lords was very strong, although (so strictly were their standing orders enforced) no report at all, however meagre, appears of their debates in this and the foregoing session. Indeed, had it depended on the wish of the House of Commons, their debates also would have remained wholly unrecorded. A complaint being made to the House of one Raikes, a printer of Gloucester, who had published some reports of their proceedings, they passed an unanimous resolution on the 26th of February, "That it is an in 66 dignity to, and a breach of the privilege of, this "House for any person to presume to give in "written or printed newspapers any account or "minutes of the debates or other proceedings of "this House, or of any Committee thereof." And, that upon discovery of the authors, printers, or publishers, this House will proceed against the "offenders with the utmost severity." 66 The points on which it had been found most XV. 1729. CHAP. difficult to come to an understanding with the Spaniards were the possession of Gibraltar, and the claim of the English to cut log-wood in the Bay of Campeachy. The latter had, for some years, been contested by the Spaniards; in 1717 the Marquis de Monteleon had delivered a memorial against it, which was met by a representation from the Board of Trade, proving that the practice was of old standing, and of just right. This representation was now laid before the House of Commons, together with numerous petitions complaining of Spanish depredations, and every art was used to inflame the public mind, and to represent the Minister as tamely submitting to insult and careless of the national wrongs. Gibraltar was a question nearly touching the Spanish pride. It is almost incredible what deep and deadly resentment had been raised in that haughty nation, who had extended their conquering arms so far, to see a fortress upon their own shores held and garrisoned by England. They viewed it with still more bitter feelings than the French had formerly our possession of Calais, and there was scarcely a Spanish statesman of this period who might not have applied to himself the saying of Queen Mary, and declared that when he died the word GIBRALTAR would be found engraven on his heart. They openly avowed, that until it was restored, there should be no amity with England a truce, but no peace. Thus high is the spirit of the Spaniards, so keen are they to discern, and so fierce to resent, even the slightest approaches to CHAP. an insult! The obstacles to a friendly intercourse with Spain, so long as we retained Gibraltar, were most strongly felt by General Stanhope on his coming to power, and he was also impressed with the idea that the fortress was of small value to England. The Opposition which afterwards urged the opposite arguments was at first not less loud in inveighing against a "barren rock" and "useless charge." The garrison was the cause of an increase in our standing army. The expense of its establishment was great and ill-regulated. There was no English possession to protect in the Mediterranean except Minorca, which was fully adequate to its own defence. There was yet no precedent of one nation long retaining such a strong-hold on the shores of another. Under these circumstances, Stanhope formed a decided opinion as to the policy of yielding Gibraltar on certain conditions: he made this proposal to the King and to his colleagues, and obtained their acquiescence before he proceeded with it to Madrid in 1718. Yet, while allowing considerable weight to his arguments, I must maintain that our national glory demanded the preservation of this conquest; and it is evident that at a later period our national interests would have suffered by its loss. * Lord Bolingbroke to Lord Portmore, March 29. 1712. + See the first volume, p. 460. VOL. II. XV. 1729. XV. 1729. СНАР. It must be observed, however, that Stanhope never proposed an unconditional surrender; the doubt is only whether in 1718 he asked for any territorial equivalent, or whether he would have been satisfied with the accession of Spain to the Quadruple Alliance, coupled with (as was then required) large commercial advantages to our traders in South America. Amidst the secrecy and obscurity of the negotiation, we cannot distinguish the exact terms of the offer. We find, however, that it was rejected by the Spanish Court; but that in the subsequent negotiations the French government, though without any express authority, again held out this tempting bait, and gave Philip hopes of prevailing on easy terms. Thus the honour of the Regent became in some degree engaged, and he warmly seconded the claim of Philip at the Court of England. But no sooner had Stanhope sounded the House of Lords upon the subject than the country caught the alarm. The cession on any terms became most unpopular - which in England is but another word for impossible. As Stanhope declares, in a letter to Sir Luke Schaub, from Paris, "We have made a motion in Par"liament, relative to the restitution of Gibraltar, "to pass a bill, for the purpose of leaving to the King the power of disposing of that fortress for "the advantage of his subjects. You cannot imagine the ferment which the proposal produced. 66 * See a note to the first volume, p. 465. |