The martial impatience of Julian urged him to take the field in the beginning of the spring; and he dismissed, with contempt and reproach, the senate of Antioch, who accompanied the emperor beyond the limits of their own territory, to which he was resolved never to return. After a laborious march of two days,* he halted on the third, at Beræa, or Aleppo, where he had the mortification of finding a senate almost entirely Christian, who received with cold and formal demonstrations of respect, the eloquent sermon of the apostle of Paganism. The son of one of the most illustrious citizens of Berea, who had embraced, either from interest or conscience, the religion of the emperor, was disinherited by his angry parent. The father and the son were invited to the imperial table. Julian, placing himself between them, attempted, without success, to inculcate the lesson and example of toleration; supported, with affected calmness, the indiscreet zeal of the aged Christian, who seemed to forget the sentiments of nature and the duty of a subject; and at length turning towards the afflicted youth, "Since you have lost a father," said he, "for my sake, it is incumbent on me to supply his place.+" The emperor was received in a manner much more agreeable to his wishes at Batnæ, a small town pleasantly seated in a grove of cypresses, about twenty miles from the city of Hierapolis.‡ the vain, prolix, but curious narrative of his own life (ii, 1-84, edit Morell.), of which Eunapius (p. 130-135) has left a concise and unfavourable account. Among the moderns, Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, iv, 571-576), Fabricius (Bibliot. Græc. vii, 378-414), and Lardner (Heathen Testimonies, tom. iv, p. 127-163) have illustrated the character and writings of this famous sophist. * From

Antioch to Litarbe, on the territory of Chalcis, the road, over hills and through morasses, was extremely bad; and the loose stones were cemented only with sand. (Julian, epist. 27) It is singular enough that the Romans should have neglected the great communication between Antioch and the Euphrates. See Wesseling, Itinerar. p. 190. Bergier, Hist. des Grands Chemins, tom. ii, p, 100. +Julian alludes

to this incident (epist. 27), which is more distinctly related by Theodoret (lib. 3. c. 22). The intolerant spirit of the father is applauded by Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv, p. 534), and even by La Bleterie (Vie de Julien, p. 413). The name of Batnæ, according to Dean Milman, in his note on this passage, is "of Syriac origin, and means a plain in a valley, where waters meet." The Celtic custom, already noticed, of planting earlier and ruder settlements at similar points, and designating them from their site, was followed by later tribes and in other varieties of language. The Romans, too, had seve

The solemn rites of sacrifice were decently prepared by the inhabitants of Batnæ, who seemed attached to the worship of their tutelar deities, Apollo and Jupiter; but the serious piety of Julian was offended by the tumult of their applause; and he too clearly discerned, that the smoke which arose from their altars was the incense of flattery rather than of devotion. The ancient and magnificent temple which had sanctified, for so many ages, the city of Hierapolis,* no longer subsisted; and the consecrated wealth, which afforded a liberal maintenance to more than three hundred priests, might hasten its downfal. Yet Julian enjoyed the satisfaction of embracing a philosopher and a friend, whose religious firmness had withstood the pressing and repeated solicitations of Constantius and Gallus, as often as those princes lodged at his house, in their passage through Hierapolis. In the hurry of military preparation, and the careless confidence of a familiar correspondence, the zeal of Julian appears to have been lively and uniform. He had now undertaken an important and difficult war; and the anxiety of the event rendered him still more attentive to observe and register the most trifling presages, from which, according to the rules of divination, any knowledge of futurity could be derived. He informed Libanius of his progress as far as Hierapolis, by an elegant epistle, which displays the facility of his genius, and his tender friendship for the sophist of Antioch.

Hierapolis, situate almost on the banks of the Euphrates§, had been appointed for the general rendezvous of the Roman troops, who immediately passed the great river on a bridge. of boats, which was previously constructed.T If the incli

ral Confluentes, but whether the name originated with them or was a corruption of a former barbarian appellation cannot now be ascertained. -ED. * See the curious treatise de Deâ Syriâ, inserted among the works of Lucian (tom. iii, p. 451-490, edit. Reitz). The singular appellation of Ninus vetus (Ammian. 14, 8) might induce a suspicion that Hierapolis had been the royal seat of the Assyrians. + Julian (epist. 28) kept a regular account of all the fortunate omens; but he suppresses the inauspicious signs which Ammianus (23, 2) has carefully recorded. Julian, epist. 27, p. 399-402. § I take the earliest opportunity of acknowledging my obligations to M. D'Anville, for his recent geography of the Euphrates and the Tigris (Paris 1780, in 4to.) which particularly illustrates the expedition of Julian. There are three passages, within a few miles of each other: 1. Zeugma, celebrated

nations of Julian had been similar to those of his predecessor, he might have wasted the active and important season of the year in the circus of Samosata, or in the churches of Edessa. But as the warlike emperor, instead of Constantius, had chosen Alexander for his model, he advanced without delay to Carrhæ, a very ancient city of Mesopotamia, at the distance of fourscore miles from Hierapolis. The temple of the Moon attracted the devotion of Julian; but the halt of a few days was principally employed in completing the immense preparations of the Persian war. The secret of the expedition had hitherto remained in his own breast; but as Carrhæ is the point of separation of the two great roads, he could no longer conceal, whether it was his design to attack the dominions of Sapor on the side of the Tigris, or on that of the Euphrates. The emperor detached an army of thirty thousand men, under the command of his kinsman Procopius, and of Sebastian, who had been duke of Egypt. They were ordered to direct their march towards Nisibis, and to secure the frontier from the desultory incursions of the enemy, before they attempted the passage of the Tigris. Their subsequent operations were left to the discretion of the generals; but Julian expected, that after wasting with fire and sword the fertile districts of Media and Adiabene, they might arrive under the walls of Ctesiphon about the same time that he himself, advancing with equal steps along the banks of the Euphrates, should besiege the capital of the Persian monarchy. The success of this well-concerted plan depended, in a great measure, on the powerful and ready assistance of the king of Armenia, who, without exposing the safety of his own dominions, might detach an army of four thousand horse, and twenty thousand foot, to the assistance of the Romans.† But the feeble Arsaces Tiranus, king of Armenia, had degenerated still more

*

by the ancients; 2. Bir, frequented by the moderns; and, 3. The bridge of Membigz, or Hierapolis, at the distance of four parasangs from the city. Haran, or Carrhæ, was the ancient residence of the Sabeans, and of Abraham. See the Index Geographicus of Schultens (ad calcem Vit. Saladin.) a work from which I have obtained much oriental knowledge concerning the ancient and modern geography of Syria and the adjacent countries. + See Xenophon. Cyropæd. lib. 3, p. 189, edit. Hutchinson. Artavasdes might have supplied Mark Antony with sixteen thousand horse, armed and disciplined after the Parthian manner. (Plutarch, in M. Antonio, tom. v, p. 117.) Moses of Chorene

shamefully than his father Chosroes, from the manly virtues of the great Tiridates; and as the pusillanimous monarch was averse to any enterprise of danger and glory, he could disguise his timid indolence by the more decent excuses of religion and gratitude. He expressed a pious attachment to the memory of Constantius, from whose hands he had received in marriage Olympias, the daughter of the prefect Ablavius; and the alliance of a female, who had been educated as the destined wife of the emperor Constans, exalted the dignity of a barbarian king.* Tiranus professed the Christian religion; he reigned over a nation of Christians; and he was restrained by every principle of conscience and interest, from contributing to the victory, which would consummate the ruin of the church. The alienated mind of Tiranus was exasperated by the indiscretion of Julian, who treated the king of Armenia as his slave, and as the enemy of the gods. The haughty and threatening style of the imperial mandatest awakened the secret indignation of a prince, who, in the humiliating state of dependence, was still conscious of his royal descent from the Arsacides, the lords of the east, and the rivals of the Roman power.

The military dispositions of Julian were skilfully contrived to deceive the spies, and to divert the attention of Sapor. The legions appeared to direct their march towards Nisibis and the Tigris. On a sudden they wheeled to the right; traversed the level and naked plain of Carrhæ; and reached, on the third day, the banks of the Euphrates, where the strong town of Nicephorium, or Callinicum, had been founded by the Macedonian kings. From thence the emperor pursued his march, above ninety miles, along the winding stream of the Euphrates, till, at length, about one month after his departure from Antioch, he discovered the towers of Circesium, the extreme limit of the Roman dominions.

(Hist. Armeniac. lib. 3, c. 11, p. 242) fixes his accession (A.D. 354) to the seventeenth year of Constantius. * Ammian. 20, 11. Athanasius (tom. i, p. 856) says, in general terms, that Constantius gave his brother's widow rois Bapßápois, an expression more suitable to a Roman than a Christian. Ammianus (23, 2) uses a word much too soft for the occasion, monuerat. Muratori (Fabricius, Bibliothec. Græc. tom. vii, p. 86) has published an epistle from Julian to the satrap Arsaces, fierce, vulgar, and (though it might deceive Sozomen, lib. 6, c. 5) most probably spurious. La Bleterie (Hist. de Jovien, tom. ii, p. 339) translates and rejects it.

The army of Julian, the most numerous that any of the Cæsars had ever led against Persia, consisted of sixty-five thousand effective and well-disciplined soldiers. The veteran bands of cavalry and infantry, of Romans and barbarians, had been selected from the different provinces; and a just pre-eminence of loyalty and valour was claimed by the hardy Gauls, who guarded the throne and person of their beloved prince. A formidable body of Scythian auxiliaries had been transported from another climate, and almost from another world, to invade a distant country, of whose name and situation they were ignorant. The love of rapine and war allured to the imperial standard several tribes of Saracens, or roving Arabs, whose service Julian had commanded, while he sternly refused the payment of the accustomed subsidies. The broad channel of the Euphrates* was crowded by a fleet of eleven hundred ships, destined to attend the motions and to satisfy the wants, of the Roman army. The military strength of the fleet was composed of fifty armed galleys; and these were accompanied by an equal number of flat-bottomed boats, which might occasionally be connected into the form of temporary bridges. The rest of the ships, partly constructed of timber, and partly covered with raw hides, were laden with an almost inexhaustible supply of arms and engines, of utensils and provisions. The vigilant humanity of Julian had embarked a very large magazine of vinegar and biscuit for the use of the soldiers, but he prohibited the indulgence of wine, and rigorously stopped a long string of superfluous camels that attempted to follow the rear of the army. The river Chaboras falls into the Euphrates at Circesium,† and as soon as the trumpet gave the signal of march, the Romans passed the little stream which separated two mighty and hostile empires.

* Latissimum flumen Euphraten artabat. Ammian. 23, 3. Somewhat higher, at the fords of Thapsacus, the river is four stadia, or eight hundred yards, almost half an English mile broad. (Xenophon, Anabasis, lib. 1, p. 41, edit. Hutchinson, with Foster's Observations, p. 29, &c. in the second volume of Spelman's translation.) If the breadth of the Euphrates at Bir and Zeugma is no more than one hundred and thirty yards (Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. ii, p. 335), the enormous difference must chiefly arise from the depth of the channel. + Monumentum tutissimum et fabrè politum, cujus monia Abora (the orientals aspirate Chaboras or Chabour) et Euphrates ambiunt flumina, velut spatium insulare fingentes. (Ammian. 23, 5.) [For the Chaboras and Circesium, see notes, vol. i. p. 243 and 448.—ED.]