pictures, which could not long escape the abuse of indiscreet or idolatrous devotion, represented the image, the attributes, and the miracles of the tutelar saint. The same uniform original spirit of superstition might suggest, in the most distant ages and countries, the same methods of deceiving the credulity, and of affecting the senses, of mankind; but it must ingenuously be confessed, that the ministers of the Catholic church imitated the profane model which they were impatient to destroy. The most respectable bishops had persuaded themselves, that the ignorant rustics would more cheerfully renounce the superstitions of Paganism, if they found some resemblance, some compensation, in the bosom of Christianity. The religion of Constantine achieved, in less than a century, the final conquest of the Roman empire; but the victors themselves were insensibly subdued by the arts of their vanquished rivals.†

CHAPTER XXIX.-FINAL DIVISION OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE BETWEEN THE SONS OF THEODOSIUS.-REIGN OF ARCADIUS AND HONORIUS.ADMINISTRATION OF RUFINUS AND STILICHO.-REVOLT AND DEFEAT OF GILDO IN AFRICA.

THE genius of Rome expired with Theodosius, the last of the successors of Augustus and Constantine who appeared in the field at the head of their armies, and whose authority was universally acknowledged throughout the whole extent of the empire. The memory of his virtues still continued, however, to protect the feeble and inexperienced youth of his two sons. After the death of their father, Arcadius and Honorius were saluted, by the unanimous consent of mankind, as the lawful emperors of the east and of the west; and the oath of fidelity was eagerly taken by every order of the state: the senates of old and new Rome, the clergy, the magistrates, the soldiers and the

* The resemblance of superstition, which could not be imitated, might be traced from Japan to Mexico. Warburton has seized this idea, which he distorts, by rendering it too general and absolute. (Divine Legation, vol. iv, p. 126, &c.) The imitation of Paganism is the subject of Dr. Middleton's agreeable letter from Rome. Warburton's animadversions obliged him to connect (vol. iii,

people. Arcadius, who then was about eighteen years of age, was born in Spain, in the humble habitation of a private family. But he received a princely education in the palace of Constantinople; and his inglorious life was spent in that peaceful and splendid seat of royalty, from whence he appeared to reign over the provinces of Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, from the Lower Danube to the confines of Persia and Ethiopia. His younger brother, Honorius, assumed, in the eleventh year of his age, the nominal government of Italy, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and Britain; and the troops, which guarded the frontiers of his kingdom were opposed on one side to the Caledonians, and the other to the Moors. The great and martial prefecture of Illyricum was divided between the two princes; the defence and possession of the provinces of Noricum, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, still belonged to the western empire; but the two large dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia, which Gratian had intrusted to the valour of Theodosius, were for ever united to the empire of the east. The boundary in Europe was not very different from the line which now separates the Germans and the Turks; and the respective advantages of territory, riches, populousness, and military strength, were fairly balanced and compensated, in this final

on

p. 120-132) the history of the two religions; and to prove the antiquity of the Christian copy. [That subjugation of mind, which the hierarchy had been for three centuries effecting, begins now to develop rapidly its necessary consequences. Delusions so gross, impostures so impudent, could only find credit where neglected education and stolid ignorance had prepared weakened intellects to receive them. They were the rivets and bolts of the deadly chain by which a worldly priesthood was dragging back enslaved mind into the barbarism whence it had been for eighteen centuries emerging. Well might Niebuhr say, when closing his review of learning and art in the time of Theodosius (Lectures, vol. iii, p. 327), "Ignorance and indifference to literature increased more and more among the higher classes, whilst the memory of the olden times had been entirely lost." Thus was it, that a generation had been trained so submissive to their enslavers, so spirit-broken, so helpless, that they were incapable of defending their country or themselves, and tamely yielded to the stern, rough, but manly invaders who crowded upon them. All this, be it remembered, had been in progress, long before the irruption of those unlettered races, who have been calumniated as the authors of the darkness which for the next thousand years over. spread mankind.-E.]

and permanent division of the Roman empire. The hereditary sceptre of the sons of Theodosius appeared to be the gift of nature and of their father; the generals and ministers had been accustomed to adore the majesty of the royal infants; and the army and people were not admonished of their rights and of their power, by the dangerous example of a recent election. The gradual discovery of the weakness of Arcadius and Honorius, and the repeated calamities of their reign, were not sufficient to obliterate the deep and early impressions of loyalty. The subjects of Rome, who still reverenced the persons, or rather names, of their sovereigns, beheld, with equal abhorrence, the rebels who opposed, and the ministers who abused, the authority of the throne.*

* After many centuries of almost ceaseless distraction and the slaughter of millions in the ever-changing courses of domestic strife, we here see the Romans subsiding into a calm, which contrasts agreeably with past commotion. Yet no very penetrating eye is required to discern their true condition and the cause of the change. We find therein no lessons of practical wisdom teaching how the recurrence of misfortune might be prevented. We behold only a supine indifference, which left events to work their way, regardless of consequences. Niebuhr has concisely stated this in his Lectures (vol. iii, p. 330). "Not only literature and creative genius," he says, "but the spirit of bravery also had died away; the Italians were now a mere helpless rabble." Thus had the descendants of the world's conquerors and instructors degenerated in the space of four hundred years. Yet, during all that time, a religion was becoming ascendant among them, by which they ought to have been improved; and by which, in defiance of these incontestable facts, some strangely maintain and still more blindly believe, that they actually were improved. Why it had failed in its sublime vocation, and why its advancing steps were marked by growing depravity instead of maturing virtue, is the problem for history to solve. It cannot be alleged, that any Pagan destroyer had yet trodden down the institutions of civilized society; nor that the great mass of the nation had been enervated by the luxurious effeminacy of the higher classes. This, as is shown by Gibbon in a future chapter (31), was confined to a comparatively small number, among whom also, Christianity had not been able to repress the vices which it most severely condemns. All this confirms the tenor of former notes, that the cause of so signal a failure is to be found only in the tyrannical suppression of all freedom of thought and mental exertion, by an overbearing hierarchy. Such repeated instances of this will appear as we proceed, that it would be tedious to call attention to each. A passing reference, however, will be made to some

Theodosius had tarnished the glory of his reign by the elevation of Rufinus; an odious favourite, who, in an age of civil and religious faction, has deserved, from every party, the imputation of every crime. The strong impulse of ambition and avarice* had urged Rufinus to abandon his native country, an obscure corner of Gaul,† to advance his fortune in the capital of the east: the talent of bold and ready elocution qualified him to succeed in the lucrative profession of the law; and his success in that profession was a regular step to the most honourable and important employments of the state. He was raised by just degrees, to the station of master of the offices. In the exercise of his various functions, so essentially connected with the whole system of civil government, he acquired the confidence of a monarch, who soon discovered his diligence and capacity in business, and who long remained ignorant of the pride, the malice, and the covetousness, of his disposition. These vices were concealed beneath the mask of profound dissimulation ;§ his passions were subservient only to the passions of his master; yet, in the horrid massacre of Thessalonica, the cruel Rufinus inflamed the fury, without imitating the repentance, of Theodosius. The minister, who viewed with proud indifference the rest of mankind, never forgave the appearance of an injury; and his personal enemies had forfeited, in his opinion, the merit of all public services. Promotus, the master-general of the infantry, had saved the empire from the invasion of the Ostrogoths; but he indignantly supported the pre-eminence of a rival, whose character and proof them, this being the most important and hitherto the most neglected truth which the fall of Rome and the subsequent annals of Europe present for our consideration.-ED.

* Alecto, envious of the public felicity, convenes an infernal synod. Megara recommends her pupil Rufinus, and excites him to deeds of mischief, &c. But there is as much difference between Claudian's fury, and that of Virgil, as between the characters of Turnus and Rufinus.

+ It is evident (Tillemont, Hist. des Emp. tom. v, p. 770), though De Marca is ashamed of his countryman, that Rufinus was born at Elusa, the metropolis of Novempopulania, now a small village of Gascony. (D'Anville, Notice de l'Ancienne Gaule, p. 289.)

Philostorgius, 1. 11, c. 3, with Godefroy's Dissert. p. 440.

§ A passage of Suidas is expressive of his profound dissimulation; βαθυγνώμων ἄνθρωπος καὶ κρυψίνους.

fession he despised; and, in the midst of a public council, the impatient soldier was provoked to chastise with a blow the indecent pride of the favourite. This act of violence was represented to the emperor as an insult, which it was incumbent on his dignity to resent. The disgrace and exile of Promotus were signified by a peremptory order, to repair, without delay, to a military station on the banks of the Danube; and the death of that general (though he was slain in a skirmish with the barbarians) was imputed to the perfidious arts of Rufinus.* The sacrifice of a hero gratified his revenge; the honours of the consulship elated his vanity; but his power was still imperfect and precarious, as long as the important posts of prefect of the east, and of prefect of Constantinople, were filled by Tatian, and his son Proculus; whose united authority balanced, for some time, the ambition and favour of the master of the offices. The two prefects were accused of rapine and corruption in the administration of the laws and finances. For the trial of these illustrious offenders, the emperors constituted a special commission; several judges were named to share the guilt and reproach of injustice; but the right of pronouncing sentence was reserved to the president alone, and that president was Rufinus himself. The father, stripped of the prefecture of the east, was thrown into a dungeon; but the son, conscious that few ministers can be found innocent, where an enemy is their judge, had secretly escaped; and Rufinus must have been satisfied with the least obnoxious victim, if despotism had not condescended to employ the basest and most ungenerous artifice. The prosecution was conducted with an appearance of equity and moderation, which flattered Tatian with the hope of a favourable event; his confidence was fortified by the solemn assurances and perfidious oaths of the president, who presumed to interpose the sacred name of Theodosius himself; and the unhappy father was * Zosimus, 1. 4, p. 272, 273.

Zosimus, who describes the fall of Tatian and his son (1. 4, p. 273, 274), asserts their innocence: and even his testimony may outweigh the charges of their enemies (Cod. Theodos. tom. iv, p. 489), who accuse them of oppressing the Curia. The connexion of Tatian with the Arians, while he was prefect of Egypt (A.D. 373), inclines Tillemont to believe that he was guilty of every crime. (Hist. des Emp. tom. v, p. 360. Mém. Ecclés. tom. vi, p. 589.)