by the phrases commercialism, industrialism and imperialism. Society must be reformed on ethical lines, and the reform must permeate all the relations of life. Society being the great organization, the chief industries should constitute minor organic groups, and in each industry, as in the steel industry, for instance, there should be an industrial parliament of the trade, in which each worker should have a vote. In order to bring about such a reform, each man should try (1) to take part in movements for social betterment, (2) to release the imprisoned mentality of workers, and (3) to labor towards organized democracy by introducing constitutionalism in industry as a bridge.

J. B. MOORE. Samuel Henry Feyes. By SIDNEY Low and W. P. KER. London, Duckworth and Company, 1915.-viii, 280 pp.

In the last half of Queen Victoria's reign most of the striking personalities in English journalism were of the Liberal party. There are fairly adequate records in book form of the work of these men; but with the exception of the memoirs of Lord Glenesk of The Morning Post, and the autobiographic papers of Mr. T. E. Kebbel, so long of the editorial staff of The Standard, there are no books that throw much light on the Conservative journalism of this period, or on the work for Conservative principles and the Conservative party that was done by men like the late Frederick Greenwood, of the old St. James's Gazette, and Mr. W. H. Mudford, who was editor of The Standard in its most effective days. The late Mr. Jeyes, known on this side of the Atlantic only from his contemporary studies of Rosebery and Chamberlain, was assistant editor of St. James's Gazette from 1888 to 1891, and assistant editor of The Standard from 1891 until his death in 1911. In Mr. Sidney Low's memoir of his colleague there are admirable descriptions of the inner working of two of the most important London Conservative newspapers in the period from the division in the Liberal party in 1886 over Home Rule, to the division that came in the Conservative party when Chamberlain began his propaganda for protection in 1903.

Peculiarly valuable as a contribution to the political and social history of England are Mr. Low's description of London journalism in 1888— the year in which Jeyes joined The St. James's Gazette-and his analysis of the reading constituency The Standard in 1891, when Jeyes was appointed assistant editor to that once famous and influential journal. Great changes have come over the London press since 1896, when the era of Harmsworth and Hulton began, changes that are due in part to the forty-five years' working of the elementary education system of 1870,

and to the advent in London and all the large cities of the half-penny morning newspaper-changes that have, moreover, greatly curtailed the parliamentary reports and have subordinated, if not eliminated, the publicist-editor who figured so largely in English political life from the days of James Perry, of the old Whig Morning Chronicle, to those of Greenwood, of The St. James's Gazette. These changes now loom quite large in the political history of England. Hence students the world over are indebted to Mr. Low for his account of the work and position of the old-school London editor-the editor who was a publicist as distinct from a buyer of white paper and of the newspaper constituency that he served.

Jeyes never reached the dignity of editor. In this ambition he was the victim of one of the many tragedies of Fleet Street. He won a place, however, among the old school of newspaper publicists, and was worthy of Mr. Low's discriminating and sympathetic memoir. Part of the volume is occupied with reprints of political sketches contributed by Jeyes to The Standard after the downfall of the Conservative ministry of 1893-1905. These are of interest as indicating the attitude of Conservatives towards Campbell- Bannerman and the men of his cabinet. EDWARD PORRITT.

HARTFORD, CONN.

Sir Francis Sharp Powell. By HENRY L. P. HULBERT. Leeds, Richard Jackson, 1914.-183 pp.

Letters and Character Sketches from the House of Commons. By SIR RICHARD TEMPLE. Edited by SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE. London, John Murray, 1912.-xxxii, 522 pp.

It is not necessary that a member of the House of Commons should have been on the treasury bench to make his memoirs of interest and value. Some of the most informing biographies in English political history are of men who never sat on the front bench either to the right or the left of the speaker's chair. Richard Garnett's Life of W. J. Fox, Sir Henry E. Roscoe's own account of his life and experiences, Charles Buxton's Memoirs of Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, the Life of Sir Edward Baines which was written by his son, Sprigge's Life and Times of Sir Thomas Wakley, W. McCullagh Torrens's Twenty Years in Parliament, the Bonner-Robertson Biography of Bradlaugh, Sir John Mowbray's Seventy Years at Westminster, Arthur Miall's Life of Edward Miall, Aaron Watson's Life of Thomas Burt, and Sir Robert Heron's Notes, to name only a few of the many books in this

class, are all exceedingly helpful if not indispensable to students of political and parliamentary history from the Reform Act of 1832 to the beginning of the great war in 1914. Each of the biographies or memoirs has some distinguishing characteristic that gives it permanent value. Each is concerned with some movement in the constituencies or in parliament, or with some aspect of life at Westminster, that has its part in the history of England, or represents a point of view that cannot be ignored by a student who would be thorough-going in his research.

All this applies equally to Dr. Hulbert's biography of Sir Francis Sharp Powell and to the late Sir Richard Temple's Letters and Character Sketches from the House of Commons. Neither Sir Richard Temple nor Sir Francis Powell was in the front rank of House of Commons members. There is nothing in the biography of Powell or in the letters of Temple to suggest that either of these men ever permitted his ambition to soar to the treasury bench. Sir Richard Temple went into the House after a long and distinguished career as a civilian in India at too late a time of life to realize any such ambition. Powell was first elected to Westminster in 1857; but he had active public interests outside the House of Commons-interest in the Established Church and in the particular type of elementary education for which the Church of England has stood for nearly a century—that would have made it impossible for him to accept office in the cabinet or ministry without abandoning work to which he had devoted himself with much thoroughness and self-sacrifice for some years before he was of the House of Commons. No prominent place can be assigned to either of these men in the political history of England; but the memoirs of Temple and the biography of Powell will be essential for any detailed and complete history of England from the reign of George III to that of George V.

Temple's letters and character sketches are of the period from 1887 to 1895, the years that immediately followed the great division in the Liberal party over Gladstone's first home-rule bill, when the Irish question was the dominant issue in the constituencies and at Westminster. There are in the memoirs one hundred and twelve sketches of Temple's House of Commons contemporaries. Most of them are enlightening; for they give Temple's impressions of the men who sat beside him or opposite him in the House. They are all interesting, for there was no political bitterness in his make-up and the place he held in the affections of the House is reflected in these notes on his contemporaries. Diaries and letters of members describing the House and its

procedure and its business from day to day and from session to session are fortunately quite numerous. Some of them are as old as the sixteenth century; but this long series of sketches of men of the House written by a member is unique in Parliamentary biography.

Between 1852 and 1906 Sir Francis Sharp Powell fought no fewer than nineteen contested borough and county elections. He was defeated eight times, and once he was unseated on petition. He had a greater variety of election experiences than any other man who was of the House of Commons between the first reform act and the lords' veto act of 1911. Dr. Hulbert writes an admirable account of Powell's contest at Stalybridge in 1871-a really valuable account in view of the fact that the election was one of the last under the old system of nomination at the hustings and open voting. Powell, as Dr. Hulbert describes him, was 66 one of the most patient and indomitable wooers of the suffrages of the English people who ever lived." But it is neither Powell's election experiences nor his continuous and arduous work on committees of the House of Commons, interesting as these are, that gives the book its chief value. Its value lies in the fact that it is the biography of a man born to great wealth, who on leaving Cambridge at the age of twenty-three realized that his wealth brought great responsibilities—and that he owed something to his country and to the civilization into which he was born; and in discharge of the responsibility he determined to devote his life to unpaid public service.

Powell, in addition to his work in Parliament and for the Church of England and elementary and secondary education, served continuously as a magistrate and as a member of a board of guardians for the relief of the poor. His life was as crowded with activities as the life of

a great banker, a merchant or a manufacturer, and his vacations ordinarily were no longer than those of men in commerce or manufacturing. Dr. Hulbert's life of Powell is well written and quite interesting reading; while it cannot be described as an ambitious book, it is unique among English political biography, for I know of no other biography which portrays so adequately the life of a man whose whole career was devoted to service in Parliament and in so many departments of local government. In a word, Dr. Hulbert's life of Powell sets forth much that is abiding and beneficent in the public and parliamentary life of England; and for this reason it makes an appeal that will extend far beyond Westminster or the counties of Lancashire and Yorkshire which for sixty years were the scene of Powell's active public career.

HARTFORD, CONNECTICUT.

EDWARD PORRITT.

Memoir of Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet, with their Ancestors and Immediate Family. By THOMAS ADDIS EMMET. New York, The Emmet Press, 1915.-Two volumes; xlvi, 589 pp.; xv, 644 PP.

Judged by actual results achieved in Ireland during the lifetime of Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet-whose biographies Dr. T. A. Emmet has written on a profusely generous scale-the fame, enduring and world-wide in its reach, that has accrued to the Emmets seems at first contemplation difficult to understand. It is difficult at first sight to find a basis for it, because the rebellion of 1798 and the still more hopeless rising of 1803 were complete and sombre failures from the point of view of the advancement of the nationalist movement from the American Revolution to the end of the reign of George III. Thomas Addis Emmet was concerned in the rebellion of 1798, and for him a life in exile in the United States was the result. Robert Emmet, at the age of twenty-five, sacrificed his life to the equally abortive rising in Dublin that came three years after the union. The explanation of the fame of the Emmets, especially that of Robert Emmet, would seem to lie largely in the inspiration to the nationalists-to three generations of Irishmen and Irishwomen in Ireland and elsewhere-that flowed from the services and sacrifices of the Emmets in 1798 and 1803.

In the history of the movement for Irish constitutional and political freedom that went on from the successful agitation for the repeal of Poynings's law-the medieval enactment that crippled the Irish Parliament from 1495 to 1782-to the triumph of the home-rule movement at the end of the parliamentary session of 1914, no names stand out more radiantly than those of Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet. Grattan, O'Connell, Butt, Parnell and Redmond, all achieved in concrete results much more than the Emmets; but part of the achievement of each of these nationalist leaders, except Grattan, was due to the inspiration diffused among Irish people the world over by the sacrifices made by the Emmets. When it is recalled that the Emmets were not of the religious faith generally professed by the Irish, that the Emmet family in the eighteenth century was of the garrison of English ancestry, and that Dr. Emmet, the father of Thomas Addis and Robert, was long a state or court physician in Dublin and thus of the Irish governing class, and of an official and social position that might have ensured many advantages to his sons in their professional careers, the sacrifices made by the Emmets in the risings of 1798 and 1803 would seem to be almost without precedent in Irish political history.