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py state, it is requisite, not only that you stead-make it the interest and duty of a wise people
It serves always to distract the public coanprinciples. however specious the pretext. One agitates the community with ill-founded jealmethod of assault may be to effect in the forms of ousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity the Constitution, alterations which will impair of one part against another; foments, occasionthe energy of the system, and thus to undermine ally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the to foreign influence and corruption, which find changes to which you may be invited, remem- a facilitated access to the Government itself, ber that time and habit are at least as necessary through the channels of party passions. Thus, to fix the true character of government, as of the policy and the will of one country are subother human institutions that experience is jected to the policy and will of another. the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of a coun
There is an opinion that parties in free country—that facility in changes upon the credit of
tries are useful checks upon the administration mere lıypothesis and opinion, exposes to per
of the Government, and serve to keep alive the petual change, from the endless variety of hy. spirit of Liberty. This, within certain liinits, pothesis and opinion; and remember, especial. Inarchial cast, patriotism may look with indul
is probably true; and in governments of a moÎy, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a Country so extensive as gence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of par. ours, a Government of as much vigor as is con- ty. But in those of a popular character, in gosistent with the perfect security of Liberty, is vernments purely elective, it is a spirit not to indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such
be encouraged. From their natural tendency, a Government, with powers properly distribu- it is certain there will always be enough of ted and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, in
that spirit for every salutary purpose; and deed, little else than a name, where the Gov. there being constant danger of excess, the effort ernment is too feeble to withstand the enterpri- ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitizes of faction, to confine each member of the so- gate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenchciety within the limits prescribed by the laws, ed, it demands uniform vigilance to prevent its and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
it should consume. I have already intimated to you the danger. It is important, likewise, that the habits of of parties in the State, with particular reference thinking in a free country, should inspire cauto the founding of them on geographical dis- tion in ihose entrusted with its administration, criminations. "Let me now take a more com- to confine themselves within their respective
prehensive view, and warn you in the most constitutional spheres, avoiding; in the exercise solemn manner against the baneful effects of of the powers of ore department, to encroach the spirit of party, generally:
The spirit of encroachment This spirit
, unfortunately, is inseparable from tends to consolidate the powers of all the de. our nature, having its root in the sirongest pas-partments in one, and thus to create, whatever
sions of the human mind. It exists under dit- the form of government, a real despotism. A ferent shapes in all Governments, more or less just estimate of the love of power, and pronestifled, controled, or oppressed; but in those of ness to abuse it, which predominates in the huthe popular form, it is seen in its greatest rank- man heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth ness, and is truly their worst enemy.
of this position. The necessity of reciprocal The alternate domination of one faction over checks in the exercise of political power, by another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, na- dividing and distributing it into different detural to party dissention, which in different positories, and constiiuting each the guardian ages and countries has perpetrated the most of the public weal against invasions by the horrid enormities. is itself a frightful despotism. others, has been evinced by experiments anBut this leads at length to a more formal and cient and modern; some of them in our Counpermanent despotism. The disorders and mis- try, and under our own eyes. To preserve eries which result
, gradually incline the minds them must be as necessary as to institute them. of men to seek security and repose in the abso- If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution lute power of an individual; and, sooner or or modification of the constitutional powers be later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by able or more fortunate than his competitors, an amendment in the way which the Constitu. turns his disposition to the purposes of his own tion designates. But let there be no change elevation, on the ruins of public Liberty. by usurpation; for though this, in one instance,
Without looking forward to an extremity of may be the instrument of good, it is the cus this kind, (which, nevertheless, ought not to be tomary weapon by which free governments
entirely out of sight,) the common and continual are destroyed. The precedent must always mischiefs of the spirit of party, are sufficient to greatly overbalance in permanent evil any par.
tial or transient benefit which the use can at conduct of the government in making it, and at any time yield.
for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for Of all the dispositions and habits which lead obtaining revenue which the public exigencies to political prosperity, religion and morality are may at any time dictate.
indispensable supports. In vain would that Observe good faith and justice towards all man claim the tribute of patriotism, who would nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all;
labor to subvert these great pillars of human --religion and morality enjoin this conduct; happiness, these firmest props
of the duties of and can it be that good policy does not equally men and citizens. The mere politician, equal- enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enly with the pious man, ought to respect and to lightened, and (at no distant period) a great cherish them. A volume could not trace all nation, to give to mankind a magnanimous and their connexions with private and public feli- too novel example of a people always guided city: Let it simply be asked, where is the se- by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who Scurity for property, for reputation, for life, if the can doubt that in the course of time and things,
sense of religious obligation desert the oaths the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any which are the instruments of investigation in temporal advantages which might be lost by a courts of justice ? and let us with caution in- steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Provi. dulge the supposition, that morality can be dence has not connected the permanent felicity maintained without religion. Whatever may of a nation with virtue ? The experiment, at be conceded to the influence of refined educa- least, is recommended by every sentiment tion on minds of peculiar structure; reason and which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it experience both forbid us to expect that na- rendered impossible by its vices? tional morality can prevail in exclusion of reli- In the execution of such a plan, nothing is gious principle.
more essential than that permanent, inveterate It is substantially true, that virtue or morality antipathies against particular nations, and pasis a necessary spring of popular government.—sionate attachments for others should be exclu. The rule indeed extends with more or less ded, and that in the place of them just amicaforce to every species of free government. Who ble feelings towards all should be cultivated.that is a sincere friend to it, can look with in- The nation, which indulges towards another difference upon attempts to shake the founda- an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness, is tion of the fabric?
in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its aniPromote, then, as an objects of primary im- mosity, or to its affection either of which is portance, institution for the general diffusions of sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its knowledge. In proportion as the structure of interest. Antipathy in one nation against anoa government gives force to public opinion, it ther, disposes each more readily to offer insult is essential that public opinion should be en- and injury-to lay hold of slight causes of um. lightened.
brage, and to be haughty and intractable when As a very important source of strength and accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. security, cherish public credit. One method of Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, enven. preserving it is to use it as speringly as possi- omed and bloody contests. The nation, promptble; avoiding occasions of expense by coltiva-ed by ill will and resentment, sometimes imting peace, but remembering, also, that timely pels to war the Government, contrary to the disbursements to prepare for dangers, frequent- best calculations of policy. The Government ly prevent much greater disbursements to re- sometimes participates in the national propenpel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of sity, and adopts through passion what reason debt, not only by shunning occasions of ex- would reject; at other times it makes the anipense, but by vigorous exertions in time of mosity of the nation subservient to projects of peace to discharge the debts which unavoida- hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and othable wars may have occasioned, not ungener- er sinister and pernicious motives. The peace ously throwing upon posterity the burthen often, sometimes, perhaps, the Liberty of na
which we ourselves ought to bear. The exe- tions has been the victim. cution of these maxims belongs to your repre- So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one sentatives, but it is necessary that public opin- nation for another produces a variety of evils. ion should co-operate. To facilitate to them Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the performance of their duty, it is essential the illusion of an imaginary common interest, that you should practically bear in mind, that in cases where no real common interest exists, towards the payment of debts there must be and infusing into one 'he enmities of the other,
That to have revenue there must be betrays the former into a participation in the taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are quarrels and wars of the latter, without adenot more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; quate inducement or justification. It leads that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable also to concessions to the favorite nation of from the selection of the proper objects (which privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a to injure the nation making the concessions, by decisive motive for a candid construction of the lunnecessarily parting with what ought to have
been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-, will cause the neutrality we may at any time will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the par- resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; ties from whom equal privileges are withheld; when belligerent nations, under the impossiand it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded bility of making acquisitions upon us, will not citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite lightly hazard the giving us provocations ; nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the intor- when we may choose peace or war, as our inests of their own country, without odium, terest, guided by justice, shall counsel. sometimes even with popularity; gilding with Why forego the advantages of so pecaliar a the appearances of a virtuous sense of obliga- situation? Why quit our own to stand upon tion a commendable deference for public opin- foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our
ion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the destiny with that of any part of Europe, enbase or foolish compliances of ambition, cor- tangle peace and prosperity in the toils of ruption or infatuation.
European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor As avenues to foreign influence in innumer- or caprice? able ways, such attachments are particularly It is our true policy to steer clear of perma
alarming to the truly enlightened and indepen- nent alliancess with any portion of the foreign dent patriot. How many opportunities do world—so far, I mean, as we are now at liberthey afford to tamper with domestic factions, ty to do it; for let me not be understood as cato practice the arts of seduction, to mislead pable of patronizing infidelity to existing enpublic opinion, to influence or awe the public gagements. I hold the maxim no less applicouncils! Such an attachment of a small or cable to public than to private affairs, that honweak, towards a great and powerful nation, esty is always the best policy. I repeat it,
dooms the former to be the satelite of the therefore, let those engagements be observed Slatter.
in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it Against the insidious wiles of foreign influ- is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to exence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow tend them. citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to Taking care alwaos to keep ourselves, by be constantly awake; since history and expe- suitable establishments, on a respectable defenrience prove that foreign influence is one of sive posture, we may safely trust to temporary the most baneful foes of Republican Govern- alliances for extraordinary emergencies
But that jealousy, to be useful, must Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of nations are recommended by policy, humanity the very influence to be avoided, instead of a and interest. But even our commercial policy defence against it. Excessive partiality for should hold an equal and impartial hand; neione foreign nation, and excessive dislike of ther seeking nor granting exclusive favors or another, causes those whom they actuate, to preferences; consulting the natural course of see danger only on one side, and serve to veil things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle
and even second the arts of influence on the means the streams of commerce, but forcing other. Real patriots, who may resist the in- nothing; establishing, with powers so dispotrigues of the favorite, are liable to become sed, in order to give trade a stable course, to suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes define the rights of our merchants, and to enausurp the applause and confidence of the peo- ble the government to support them; convenple, to surrender their interests.
tional rules of intercourse, the best that present The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, foreign nations, is in extending onr commer- but temporary, and liable to be from time to time cial relations, to have with them as little politi- abandoned or varied, as experience and circal connexion as possible. So far as we have cumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping already formed engagements, let them be ful- in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for filled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. disinterested favors from another; that it must
Europe has a set of primary interests, which pay with a portion of its independence for to us have none, or a very remote relation. whatever it may accept under that character;
Hence she must be engaged in frequent con- that by sach acceptance, it may place itself in troversies, the causes of which are essentially the condition of having given equivalents for foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it nominal favors, and yet of being reproached must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, with ingratitude for not giving more. There by artifical ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of can be no greater error than to expect or calher politics, or the ordinary combinations and culate upon real favors from nation to nation. collisions of her friendships or enmities.
'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, Our detached and distant situation invites which a just pride ought to discard. and enables us to pursue a different course. If In offering to you, my countrymen, these we remain one people, under an efficient gor-counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I ernment, the period is not far off, when we dare not hope they will make the strong and may defy material injury from external annoy-lasting impression I could wish–that they will ance; when we may take such an attitude as control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course obligation which justice and humanity impose which has hitherto marked the destiny of na- on every nation, in cases in which it is free to tions; but if I may even flatter myself that free to act to maintain inviolate the relations they may be productive of some partial bene of peace and amity towards other nations. fit, some occasional good--that they may now The inducements of interest for observing and then recur to moderate the fury of party that conduct will best be referred to your cwn spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign reflections and experience. With me, a preintrigue, to guard against the impostures of dominant motive has been to endeavor to gain
pretended patriotism--this hope will be a full time to our Country to settle and mature its recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, yet recent institutions, and to progress. withby which they have been dictated.
out interruption, to that degree of strengih and How far, in the discharge of my official du- consistency, which is necessary to give it, luties, I have been guided by the principles manely speaking, the command of its own forwhich have been delineated, the public records tunes. and other evidences of my conduct must wit- Though in reviewing the incidents of my adness to you and to the world. To myself, the ministration, I am unconscious of intentional assurance of my own conscience is that I have error, I am neertheless too sensible of my deat least believed myself to be guided by them. fects not to think it probable that I may have
In relation to the still subsisting war in Eu- committed many errors. Whatever they may rope, my proclamation of the 22d of April, be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. your approving voice, and by that of your Re. I shall also carry with me the hope that my presentatives in both Houses of Congress, the Country will never cease to view them with spirit of that measure has continually governed indulgence; and that after forty-five years of me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or my life dedicated to its service, with an updivert me from it.
right zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities After deliberate examination, with the aid will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must of the best lights I could obtain, I was well soon be to the mansions of rest. satisfied that our Country, under all the cir- Relying on its kindness in this as in other cumstances of the case, had a right to take, things, and actuated by that fervent love toand was bound in duty and interest, to take awards it, which is so natural to a man who neutral position. Having taken it
, I deterviews in it the native soil of himself and his mined, as far as should depend on me, to progenitors for several generations, I anticimaintain it, with moderation, perseverence pate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in and firmness.
which I promise myself to realize, without al. The considerations which respect the right loy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influoccasion to detail. I will only observe, that ence of good laws under a free Governmentaccording to my understanding of the matter. the ever favorite object of my heart, and the
that right, so far from being denied by any of happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, the belligerent powers, has been virtually ad- labors and dangers. mitted by all.
GEORGE WASHINGTON. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may United States, Sept. 17, 1796. be inferred, without any thing more, from the
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS FROM EACH STATE.
No. of Electors in 1844 Mai.e. 9 South Carolina..
9 New Hampshire
61 Georyia.. Massachusetts.
12 Alabama.. Rhode Island.
4 Mississippi. Connecticut..
6 Louisiana . Vermont. 6 Ohio..
23 Nero. York.
36 Kentucky.. New-Jersey,
7 Tennessee. Penn ylvania. 26 Indiana.
.12 Delaware. 3 Minois.
8 Michigan. Virginia
.17 Missouri. North Carolina...
11 Arkansas. Total,...
275 In 1844, the States in Italics voted for Polk, giving hina 170 votes-the residue for Clas, giving him 105 vntes.
(December 1st, 1844.)
EXECUTIVE--President and Cabinet: JOHN TYLER, of Virginia, President.
.Salary $25,000 JOHN C. CALHOUN, of South Carolina, Secretary of State..
6,000 GEO. M. BIBB, of Kentucky, Secretary of the Treasury.
6,000 WILLIAM WILKINS, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War..
6,000 JOHN Y. MASON, of Virginia, Secretary of the Navy,..
6,000 JOHN NELSON, of Maryland, Attorney-General..
4,000 CHARLES A. WICKLIFFE, of Kentucky, Postmaster-General..
6,000 [There is now no Vice-President; John Tyler was elected to that office, but succeeded to the Presidency on the death of Gen. Harrison, April 4th, 1841, just thirty days after the Inauguration of the latter. In case of the death or removal of Mr. Tyler, the Presidency next devolves on the President of the Senate, which station is now held by Hon. WILLIE P. MANGUM of North Carolina.)
of New-York, John M'LEAN, of Ohio,
WILLIAM CATRON, of Tennessee, , of Pennsylvania,
PETER V. DANIEL, of Virginia
(Salary of Associate Justices $4,500.)
SE NA TE.
.1845 Ephraim H. Foster.... 1845 John Fairfield.. .1845 Thomas Clayton... 1847 Spencer Jarnagin.
1847 NEW HAMPSHIRE.
KENTUCKY. Levi Woodbury.
1847 William D. Merrick. .1845 James T. Morehead... .1847
.1849 John J. Crittenden... .1849
1845 Isaac C. Bates...
.1847 William H. Haywood, Jr......1849 Edward A. Hannegan. 1849
1847 James F. Simmons.. .1847 George McDuffie. .1849 Sidney Breese.
MISSOURI. Jabez W. Huntington. .1845 John M. Berrien. .1847 Thomas H. Benton.
1845 Augustus S. Porter.. 1845 Jacob W. Miller.. .1847 Robert J. Walker.
1847 William Woodbridge.. .1847 PENNSYLVANIA.
LOUISIANA. Daniel Sturgeon.. 1845 Alexander Barrow... .1847 Whigs, in Italics.,
.28 James Buchanan.. .1849 Henry Johnson.. .1843 Locos, in Roman.
.24 I Messrs. Semple, of Illinois, Foster and Dickinson, of New York, and Lewis, of Alnbama, hold temporarily by appointment from the Governors of those States, but will be elected by the Legislatures of these States, or succeeded by Senators of like politics,
To the next Senato, Messrs. Phelps and Benton have already been reölected (for six years from March 4th, 1845,) while the Legislative elections ensure that Messrs. Fairfield, Choate, Sprague, Dayton, Sturgeon, Bayaril, Merrick, Foster and White, will either be reëlected or succeeded by Senators of like politics in each case. Ohio has already chosen THOMAS CORWIN Whig, for six years ensuing, in place of Benj. Tanpan, Loro. The result in Virginia is doubtful. Mississippi and Michigan will eloct Locos in place of Messrs. Henderson and Porter. The new Senate will there'ore either be tied or have a Whig majority of two, as Yir. ginia shall decide, unless some iinprobable change should be wrought by death, resignation or otherwise.