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at least an equal number of slaves.171 The lucrative trada of Arabia and India flowed through the port of Alexandria, to the capital and provinces of the empire.* Idleness was unknown. Some were employed in blowing of glass, others in weaving of linen, others again manufacturing the papyrus. Either sex, and every age, was engaged in the pursuits of industry, nor did even the blind or the lame want occupations suited to their condition.179 But the people of Alexandria, a , various mixture of nations, united the vanity and inconstancy of the Greeks with the superstition and obstinacy of the Egyptians. The most trifling occasion, a transient scarcity of flesh or lentils, the neglect of an accustomed salutation, a mistake of precedency in the public baths, or even a religious dispute,173 were at any time sufficient to kindle a sedition among that vast multitude, whose resentments were furious and implacable.174 After the captivity of Valerian and the insolence of his son had relaxed the authority of the laws, the Alexandrians abandoned inemselves to the ungoverned rage of their passions, and their unhappy country was the theatre of a civil war, which continued (with a few short and suspicious truces) above twelve years.175 All intercourse was cut off between the several quarters of the afflicted city, every street was polluted with blood, every building of strength converted into a citadel; nor did the tumults subside till a considerable part of Alexandria was irretrievably ruined. The spacious and

171 Diodor. Sicu1 . 1. xvii . p. 690, edit. Wosscling. m See a very curious letter of Hadrian, in the Augustan History, p. 245.

m Such as the sacrilegious murder of a divine cat. See Diodor. Sicu1 . 1 . i.t

174 Hist. August, p. 195. This long and terrible sedition was first occasioned by a dispute between a soldier and a townsman about a pair of shoes.

17* Dionysius apud Euseb. Hist. Eccles. vii. p. 21. Ammian. xxii. 16.

* Berenice, or Myos-IIormos, on the Red Sea, received the eastern commodities. From thence they were transported to the Nile, and down the Nile to Alexandria. — M.

t The hostility between the Jewish and Grecian part of the population, afterwards between the two former and the Christian, were unfailing cause! of tumult, sedition, and massacre. In no place were the religious disputes, after the establishment of Christianity, more frequent or more sanguinary Bee Philo. de Legat. Hist, of Jews, ii. 171, ui. Ill, 198. Gibbon. ii i ;. xxi. viii. c. xlvii. — M.

magnificent district of Bruchion,* with its palaces and tnusieurn, the residence of the kings and philosophers of Egypt, is described above a century afterwards, as already reduced to its present state of dreary solitude.176

III. The obscure rebellion of Trebelhanus, who assumed the purple in Isauria, a petty province of Asia Minor, was attended with strange and memorable consequences. The pageant of royalty was soon destroyed by an officer of Gallienus; but his followers, despairing of mercy, resolved to shake off their allegiance, not only to the emperor, but to the empire, and suddenly returned to the savage manners from which they had never perfectly been reclaimed. Their craggy rocks, a branch of the wide-extended Taurus, protected their inaccessible retreat. The tillage of some fertile valleys177 supplied them with necessaries, and a habit of rapine with the luxuries of life. In the heart of the Roman monarchy, the Isaurians long continued a nation of wild barbarians. Succeeding princes, unable to reduce them to obedience, either by arms or pohcy, were compelled to acknowledge their weakness, by surrounding the hostile and independent spot with a strong chain of fortifications,178 which often proved insufficient to restrain the incursions of these domestic foes. The Isaurians, gradually extending their territory to the seacoast, subdued the western and mountainous part of Cilicia formerly the nest of those daring pirates, against whom the republic had once been obliged to exert its utmost force, undei the conduct of the great Pompey.179

Our habits of thinking so fondly connect the order of the jniverse with the fate of man, that this gloomy period of hisory has been decorated with inundations, earthquakes, uncommon meteors, preternatural darkness, and a crowd of prodigies fictitious or exaggerated.180 But a long and general famine

Scaliger. Animadver. ad Euseb. Chron. p. 258. Three i tons of M. Bonaray, in the Mem. de 1'Academic, torn. ix. m Strabo, 1. xiii. p. 569. ln Hist. August, p. 197.

"* See Cellarius, Oeogr. Antiq. torn. ii. p. 137, upon the limits if Isauria. "» Hist. August, p. 177.

• The Bruchion was a quarter of Alexandria which extended along the largest of the two ports, and contained many palaces, inhabited br the Ptolemies. D'Any. Qeogr. Lac. iii. 10. — O.

was a calamity of a more serious kind. It was the inevitable consequence of rapine and oppression, which extirpated the produce of the present, and the hope of future harvests. Famine is almost always followed by epidemical diseases, the effect of scanty and unwholesome food. Other causes must, however, have contributed to the furious plague, which, from the year two hundred and fifty to the year two hundred and sixty-five, raged without interruption in every province, every city, and almost every family, of the Roman empire. During some time five thousand persons died daily in Rome; and many towns, that had escaped the hands of the Barbarians, were entirely depopulated.181

We have the knowledge of a very curious circumstance, of some use perhaps in the melancholy calculation of human calamities. An exact register was kept at Alexandria of all the citizens entitled to receive the distribution of corn. It was found, that the ancient number of those comprised between the ages of forty and seventy, had been equal to the whole sum of claimants, from fourteen to fourscore years of age, who remained alive after the reign of Gallienus.189 Applying this authentic fact to the most correct tables of mortality, it evidently proves, that above half the people of Alexandria had perished; and could we venture to extend the analogy to the other provinces, we might suspect, that war, pestilence, and famine, had consumed, in a few years, the moiety of the human species.183

"» Hist. August, p. 177. Zosimus, 1. i. p. 24. Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 623. Euseb. Chronicon. Victor in Epitom. Victor in Ccesar. Eutropius, ix. 5. Oro9ius, vii. 21.

>n Euseb. Hist. Eccles. vii. 21. The fact is taken from the Letters of Dionysius, who, in the tune of those troubles, was bishop of Alexandria.

10 In i great number of parishes, 11,000 persons were found between fourteen and eighty: 5363 between forty and serenty. 8ee Buffon Histoire Naturelle, torn. ii. p. 590. 28*

CHAPTER XI.

BEIGN OP CLAUDIUS.—DEFEAT OF THE GOTHS. VICTORIES

TRIt MPH AND DEATH OF AURELIAM.

Under the deplorable reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, the empire was oppressed and almost destroyed by the soldiers. the tyrants, and the barbarians. It was saved by a series of great princes, who derived their obscure origin from the martial provinces of Illyricum. Within a period of about thirty years, Claudius, Aurelian, Probus, Diocletian and his colleagues, triumphed over the foreign and domestic enemies of the state, reestablished, with the military discipline, the strength of the frontiers, and deserved the glorious title of Restorers of the Roman world.

The removal of an effeminate tyrant made way foi a succession of heroes. The inclination of the people imputed all their calamities to Gallienus, and the far greater part were, indeed, the consequence of his dissolute manners and careless administration. He was even destitute of a sense of honor, which so frequently supplies the absence of public virtue; and as long as he was permitted to enjoy the possession of Italy, a victory of the barbarians, the loss of a province, or the rebellion of a general, seldom disturbed the tranquil course of his pleasures. At length, a considerable army, stationed on the Upper Danube, invested with the "Imperial purple their leader Aureolus; who, disdaining a confined and barren reign over the mountains of Rhaetia, passed the Alps, occupied Milan, threatened Rome, and challenged Gallienus to dispute in the field the sovereignty of Italy. The emperor, provoked by the insult, and alarmed by the instant danger, suddenly exerted that latent vigor which sometimes broke through the indolence of his temper. Forcing himself from the luxury of the palace, he appeared in arms at the head of his legions, and advanced beyond the Po to encounter his competitor. The corrupted name of Pontirolo1 still preserves the memory

'Pom Aureoli, thirteen miles from Bergamo, and thirty-two from Milan. Sea Oluver. Italia Antiq. torn. i. p. 245. Near this place, in of a bridge over the Adda, which, during the action, must have proved an object of the utmost importance to both armies. The Rhretian usurper, after receiving a total defeat and a dangerous wound, retired into Milan. The siege of that great city was immediately formed; the walls were battered with every engine in use among the ancients; and Aureolus, doubtful of his internal strength, and hopeless of foreign succors, already anticipated the fatal consequences of unsuccessful rebellion.

His last resource was an attempt to seduce the loyalty of the besiegers. He scattered libels through the camp, inviting the troopp to desert an unworthy master, who sacrificed the public happiness to his luxury, and the lives of his most valuable subjects to the slightest suspicions. The arts of Aureolus diffused fears and discontent among the principal officers of his rival. A conspiracy was formed by Heraclianus the Proetorian praefect, by Marcian, a general of rank and reputation, and by Cecrops, who commanded a numerous body of Dalmatian guards. The death of Gallienus was resolved; and notwithstanding their desire of first terminating the siege of Milan, the extreme danger which accompanied every moment's delay obliged them to hasten the execution of their daring purpose. At a late hour of the night, but while the emperor still protracted the pleasures of the table, an alarm was suddenly given, that Aureolus, at the head of all his forces, had made a desperate sally from the town; Gallienus, who was never deficient in personal bravery, started from his silken couch, and without allowing himself time either to put on his armor, or to assemble his guards, he mounted on horseback, and rode full speed towards the supposed place of the attack. Encompassed by his declared or concealed enemies, he soon, amidst the nocturnal tumult, received a mortal dart from an uncertain hand. Before he expired, a patriotic sentiment rising in the mind of Gallienus, induced him to name a deserving successor; and it was his last request, that the Impel rial ornaments should be delivered to Claudius, who then commanded a detached army in the neighborhood of Pa via. The report at least was diligently propagated, and the order cheer

the year 1703, the obstinate battle of Cassano was fought between iho French and Austrians. The excellent relation of the Chevalier dc Folard, who was present, gives a very distinct idea of tht grcund. See Polybo de Folard, torn. iii. p. 223—248.

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