with it." I quote his words; and conclude from or principle of any kind, or a single spark of personal them, that he is a true and hearty christian, in sub-resolution. What must be the operation of that perstance, not in ceremony; though possibly he may not agree with my reverend lords the bishops, or with the head of the church," that prayers are morality, or that kneeling is religion." PHILO JUNIUS.

LETTER LV.

FROM THE REV. MR. HORNE TO JUNIUS.

August 17, 1771.

I congratulate you, sir, on the recovery of your wonted style, though it has cost you a fortnight. I compassionate your labor in the composition of your letters, and will communicate to you the secret of my fluency. Truth needs no ornament; and in my opinion, what she borrows of the pencil is deformity. You brought a positive charge against me of corruption. I denied the charge, and called for your proofs. You replied with abuse, and re-asserted your charge. I called again for proofs. You reply again with abuse only, and drop your accusation. In your fortnight's letter, there is not one word upon the sub-majesty's predecessors (excepting that worthy family ject of my corruption.

I have no more to say, but to return thanks to you for your condescension, and to a grateful public, and honest ministry, for all the favors they have conferred upon me. The two latter, I am sure, will never refuse me any grace I shall solicit: and since you have been pleased to acknowledge, that you told a deliberate lie in my favor, out of bounty, and as a charitable | donation, why may I not expect that you will hereafter (if you do not forget you ever mentioned my name with disrespect) make the same acknowledgment for what you have said to my prejudice? This second recantation will perhaps, be more abhorent from your disposition; but should you decline it, you will only afford one more instance, how much easier it is to be generous than just, and that men are sometimes bountiful who are not honest.

At all events, I am as well satisfied with your panegyric as lord Chatham can be. Monument I shall have none; but over my grave it will be said, in your own words, “Horne's situation did not correspond with his intentions."*

MY LORD,

September 28, 1771.

The people of England are not appraised of the full extent of their obligations to you. They have yet no adequate idea of the endless variety of your character. They have seen you distinguished and successful in the continued violation of those moral and political duties, by which the little as well as the great societies of life are connected and held together. Every color, every character became you. With a rate of abilities which lord Weymouth very justly looks down upon with contempt, you have done as much mischief to the community as Cromwell would have done, if Cromwell had been a coward; and as much as Machiavel, if Machiavel had not known that an appearance of morals and religion is useful in society. To a thinking man, the influence of the crown will, in no view, appear so formidable, as when he observes to what enormous excesses it has safely conducted your grace, without a ray of real understanding, without even the pretensions to common decency The epitaph would not be ill suited to the character; st the best it is but equivocal.

nicious influence (for which our kings have wisely exchanged the nugatory name of prerogative) that in the highest stations can so abundantly supply the absence of virtue, courage, and abilities, and qualify a man to be a minister of a great nation, whom a private gentleman would be ash med and afraid to admit into his family? Like the universal passport of an ambassador, it supersedes the prohibition of the laws, banishes the staple virtues of the country, and introduces vice and folly triumphantly into all the departments of the state. Other princes, besides his majesty, have had the means of corruption within their reach, but they have used it with moderation. In former times, corruption was considered as a foreign auxiliary to government, and only called in upon extraordinary emergencies. The unfeigned piety, the sanctified religion of George the Third, have taught him to new model the civil forces of the state. The natural resources of the crown are no longer confided in. Corruption glitters in the van, collects and maintains a standing army of mercenaries, and at the same moment impoverishes and enslaves the country. His from which you, my lord, are unquestionably descended) had some generous qualities in their composition, with vices, I confess, or frailties in abundance. They were kings or gentlemen, not hypocrites or priests. They were at the head of the church, but did not know the value of their office. They said their prayers without ceremony, and had too little priestcraft in their understanding, to reconcile the sanctimonious forms of religion with the utter des truction of the morality of their people. My lord, this is fact, not declamation. With all your partiality to the house of Stuart, you must confess, that even Charles the Second would have blushed at that open encouragement, at those eager, meretricious caresses, with which every species of private vice and public prostitution is received at St. James's. The unfortunate house of Stuart has been treated with an asperity which, if comparison be a defense, seems to border upon injustice. Neither Charles nor his brother were qualified to support such a system of measures as would be necessary to change the government and subvert the constitution of England. One of them was too much in earnest in his pleasures, the other in his religion. But the danger to this country would cease to be problematical, if the crown should ever descend to a prince whose apparent simplicity might throw his subjects off their guard, who might be no libertine in behavior, who should have no sense of honor to restrain him, and who, with just religion enough to impose upon the multitude, might have no scruples of conscience to interfere with his morality. With these honorable qualifications, and the decisive advantage of situation, low craft and falsehood are all the abilities that are wanting to destroy the wisdom of ages, and to deface the noblest monument that human policy has erected. I know such a man; my lord, I know you both; and, with the blessing of God (for I, too, am religious) the people of England shall know you as well as I do. I am not very sure that greater abilities, would not, in effect, be an impediment to a design which seems at first sight to require a superior capacity. A better understanding might make him sensible of the wonderful beauty of that system he was endeavoring to corrupt; the danger of the attempt might alarm him; the meanness and intrinsic worthlessness of the object (supposing he could attain it) would fill him with shame, repentance, and disgust. But these are sensations which find no entrance into a barbarous, contracted heart In some men there is a malignant passion to destroy

from moderate peaceable times, to times which are not moderate, and which ought not to be peaceable. While they solicit your favor, they insist upon a rule of rotation, which excludes all idea of election.

along with it, as by the separate loss of personal reputation, which every man sustains when his character and conduct are frequently held forth in odious or contemptible colors. These differences are only Let me be honored with a few minutes of your at- advantageous to the common enemy of the country. tention. The question, to those who mean fairly to The hearty friends of the cause are provoked and the liberty of the people (which we all profess to disgusted. The lukewarm advocate avails himself have in view), lies within a very narrow compass, of any pretence, to relapse into that indolent indifferDo you mean to desert that just and honorable sys-ence about every thing that ought to interest an Entem of measures which you have hitherto pursued. glishman, so unjustly dignified with the title of modin hopes of obtaining from parliament, or from the eration. The false, insidious partisan, who creates or crown, a full redress of past grievances, and a secu- foments the disorder, sees the fruit of his dishonest rity for the future? Do you think the cause des- industry ripen beyond his hopes, and rejoices in the perate, and will you declare that you think so to the promise of a banquet, only delicious to such an appewhole people of England? If this be your meaning tite as his own. It is time for those who really mean and opinion, you will act consistently with it in well to the Cause and the People, who have no view choosing Mr. Nash. I profess to be unacquainted to private advantage, and who have virtue enough to with his private character; but he has acted as a prefer the general good of the community to the magistrate, as a public man. As such I speak of gratification of personal animosities; it is time for him. I see his name in a protest against one of your such men to interpose. Let us try whether these remonstrances to the crown. He has done every fatal dissensions may not yet be reconciled; or, if thing in his power to destroy the freedom of popular that be impracticable, let us guard at least against elections in the city, by publishing the poll upon a the worst effects of division, and endeavor to performer occasion; and I know, in general, that he has suade these furious partisans, if they will not condistinguished himself, by slighting and thwarting all sent to draw together, to be separately useful to that those public measures which you have engaged in cause which they all pretend to be attached to. with the greatest warmth, and hitherto thought most Honor and honesty must not be renounced, although worthy of your approbation. From his past conduct, a thousand modes of right and wrong were to occupy what conclusion will you draw but that he will act the degrees of morality between Zeno and Epicurus. the same part as lord mayor, which he has invariably The fundamental principles of Christianity may still acted as alderman and sheriff? He cannot alter his be preserved, though every zealous sectary adheres conduct without confessing that he never acted upon to his own exclusive doctrine, and pious ecclesiastics principle of any kind. I should be sorry to injure make it a part of their religion to persecute one anthe character of a man, who, perhaps, may be honest other. The civil constitution, too, that legal liberty, in his intentions, by supposing it possible that he can that general creed which every Englishman professes, ever concur with you in any political measure or may still be supported, though Wilkes and Horne, opinion. and Townsend and Sawbridge, should obstinately reIf, on the other hand, you mean to persevere in fuse to communicate; and even if the fathers of the those resolutions for the public good, which, though church, if Savile, Richmond, Camden, Rockingham, not always successful, are always honorable, your and Chatham, should disagree in the ceremonies of choice will naturally incline to those men who their political worship, and even in the interpreta(whatever they be in other respects) are most likely tion of twenty texts in Magna Charta. I speak to to co-operate with you in the great purpose which the people, as one of the people. Let us employ you are determined not to relinquish. The question these men in whatever departments their various is not of what metal your instruments are made, but abilities are best suited to, and as much to the adwhether they are adapted to the work you have in hand. vantage of the common cause, as their different inThe honors of the city, in these times, are improp-clinations will permit. They cannot serve us witherly, because exclusively, called a reward. You mean not merely to pay, but to employ. Are Mr. Crosby and Mr. Sawbridge likely to execute the extraordinary, as well as the ordinary, duties of lord mayor? Will they grant you common halls when it shall be necessary? Will they go up with remonstrances to the king? Have they firmness enough to meet the fury of a venal house of commons? Have they fortitude enough not to shrink at imprisonment? Have they spirit enough to hazard their lives and fortunes in a contest, if it should be necessary, with a prostituted legislature? If these questions can fairly be answered in the affirmative, your choice is made. Forgive this passionate language. I am unable to correct it. The subject comes home to us all. It is the language of my heart.

LETTER LVIII.

JUNIUS.

out essentially serving themselves.

If Mr. Nash be elected, he will hardly venture after so recent a mark of the personal esteem of his fellowcitizens, to declare himself immediately a courtier. The spirit and activity of the sheriffs will, I hope, be sufficient to counteract any sinister intentions of the lord mayor. In collision with their virtue, perhaps,

he may take fire.

It is not necessary to exact from Mr. Wilkes the virtues of a Stoic. They were inconsistent with themselves, who, almost at the same moment, represented him as the basest of mankind, yet seemed to expect from him such instances of fortitude and selfdenial, as would do honor to an apostle. It is not however, flattery to say, that he is obstinate, intrepid, and fertile in expedients. That he has no possible resource but in the public favor, is, in my judgment, a considerable recommendation of him. I wish that every man who pretended to popularity were in the same predicament. I wish that a retreat to St. James's were not so easy and open as patriots have found it. To Mr. Wilkes there is no access. ever he may be misled by passion or imprudence, I think he cannot be guilty of a deliberate treachery to the public. The favor of his country constitutes the shield which defends him against a thousand daggers. Desertion would disarm him.

How

I can more readily admire the liberal spirit and in

tegrity, than the sound judgment, of any man who pretation of my country, when I acknowledge an inprefers a republican form of government, in this or voluntary, compulsive assent to one very unpopular any other empire of equal extent, to a monarchy so opinion. I lament the unhappy necessity, whenever qualified and limited as ours. I am convinced, that it arises, of providing for the safety of the state by a neither is it in theory the wisest system of govern- temporary invasion of the personal liberty of the subment, nor practicable in this country. Yet, though I ject. Would to God it were practicable to reconcie hope the English constitution will forever preserve these important objects, in every possible situation its original monarchical form, I would have the man- of public affairs! I regard the legal liberty of the ners of the people purely and strictly republican. I meanest man in Britain as much as my own, and do not mean the licentious spirit of anarchy and riot. would defend it with the same zeal. I know we I mean a general attachment to the commonweal, must stand or fall together. But I never can doubt, distinct from any partial attachment to persons or that the community has a right to command, as weli families; an implicit submission to the laws only; as to purchase, the service of its members. I see and an affection to the magistrate, proportioned to that right founded originally upon a necessity which the integrity and wisdom with which he distributes supersedes all argument: I see it established by justice to his people, and administers their affairs. usage immemorial, and admitted by more than a The present habit of our political body appears to me tacit assent of the legislature. I conclude there is the very reverse of what it ought to be. The form no remedy, in the nature of things, for the grievance of the constitution leans rather more than enough to complained of; for, if there were, it must long since the popular branch; while, in effect, the manners of have been redressed. Though numberless opport the people (of those at least who are likely to take a nities have presented themselves, highly favorable to lead in the country) incline too generally to a de- public liberty, no successful attempt has ever been pendence upon the crown. The real friends of arbi-made for the relief of the subject in this article. Yet trary power combine the facts, and are not inconsist- it has been felt and complained of ever since England ent with their principles, when they strenuously sup- had a navy. The conditions which constitute this port the unwarrantable privileges assumed by the right must be taken together; separately, they have house of commons. In these circumstances, it were little weight. It is not fair to argue, from any abuse much to be desired, that we had many such men as in the execution, to the illegality of the power; much Mr. Sawbridge to represent us in parliament. I speak less is a conclusion to be drawn from the navy to the from common report and opinion only, when I im- land service. A seaman can never be employed but pute to him a speculative predilection in favor of a against the enemies of his country. The only case republic. In the personal conduct and manners of the in which the king can have a right to arm his subman I cannot be mistaken. He has shown himself jects in general, is that of a foreign force being actupossessed of that republican firmness which the times ally landed upon our coast. Whenever that case require; and by which an English gentleman may be happens, no true Englishman will inquire whether as usefully and as honorably distinguished, as any the king's right to compel him to defend his country citizen of ancient Rome, of Athens, or Lacedemon. be the custom of England, or a grant of the legisla ture. With regard to the press for seamen, it does not follow that the symptoms may not be softened. although the distemper cannot be cured. Let bounties be increased as far as the public purse can support them. Still they have a limit; and when every reasonable expense is incurred, it will be found, in fact, that the spur of the press is wanted to give operation to the bounty.

Mr. Townshend complains that the public gratitude has not been answerable to his deserts. It is not difficult to trace the artifices which have suggested to him a language so unworthy of his understanding. A great man commands the affections of the people: a prudent man does not complain when he has lost them. Yet they are far from being lost to Mr. Townsend. He has treated our opinion a little too cavalierly. A young man is apt to rely too confidently upon himself, to be as attentive to his mistress as a polite and passionate lover ought to be. Perhaps he found her at first too easy a conquest. Yet I fancy she will be ready to receive him whenever he thinks proper to renew his addresses. With all his youth, his spirit, and his ap pearance, it would be indecent in the lady to solicit his return.

Upon the whole, I never had a doubt about the strict right of pressing, until I heard that lord Mans field had applauded lord Chatham for delivering something like this doctrine in the house of lords. That consideration staggered me not a little. But upon reflection, his conduct accounts naturally jer itself. He knew the doctrine was unpopular, and was eager to fix it upon the man who is the first I have too much respect for the abilities of Mr. object of his fear and detestation. The cunning Horne, to flatter myself that these gentlemen will Scotchman never speaks truth without a fraudulent ever be cordially re-united. It is not, however, un- design. In council, he generally affects to take a mod reasonable to expect, that each of them should act erate part. Besides his natural timidity, it makes his separate part with honor and integrity to the part of his political plan, never to be known to re public. As for differences of opinion upon specula- commend violent measures. When the guards are tive questions, if we wait until they are reconciled, called forth to murder their fellow subjects, it is ret the action of human affairs must be suspended for by the ostensible advice of lord Mansfield. That ever. But neither are we to look for perfection in odious office, his prudence tells him, is better left to as Barrington any one man, nor for agreement among many. When such men as Gower and Weymouth, lord Chatham affirms, that the authority of the British and Grafton. Lord Hillsborough wisely confines his legislature is not supreme over the colonies in the firmness to the distant Americans. The designs ( same sense in which it is supreme over Great Britain; Mansfield are more subtle, more effectual, and secure. when lord Camden supposes a necessity (which the Who attacks the liberty of the press? Lord Mans king is to judge of,) and, founded upon that neces- field. Who invades the constitutional power of sity, attributes to the crown a legal power (not given juries? Lord Mansfield. What judge ever cha by the act itself,) to suspend the operation of an act lenged a juryman but lord Mansfield? Who was of the legislature; I listen to them both with diffi- that judge, who, to save the king's brother, affirmed dence and respect, but without the smallest degree or that a man of the first rank and quality, who obtains conviction or assent. Yet I doubt not they delivered a verdict in a suit for criminal conversation, is entheir real sentiments, nor ought they to be hastily titled to no greater damages than the meanest me condemned. I too have a claim to the candid inter-chanic? Lord Mansfield. Who is it makes commis

oners of the great seal? Lord Mansfield. Who is t that forms a decree for those commissioners, deiding against lord Chatham, and afterwards (findng himself opposed by the judges) declares, in pariament, that he never had a doubt that the law was n direct opposition to that decree? Lord Mansfield. Who is he that has made it the study and practice of is life to undermine and alter the whole system of urisprudence in the court of king's bench? Lord Mansfield. There never existed a man but himself who answered exactly to so complicated a descripion. Compared to these enormities, his original atachment to the pretender (to whom his dearest brother was confidential secretary) is a virtue of the first magnitude. But the hour of impeachment will come, and neither he nor Grafton shall escape me. Now let them make common cause against England and the house of Hanover. A Stuart and a Murray should sympathise with each other.

cording to the offices they affect; and, when they quit the service, let us endeavor to supply their places with better men than we have lost. In this country there are always candidates enough for popular favor. The temple of fame is the shortest passage to riches and preferment.

septennial, the purchase of the sitting member, or of the petitioner, makes but the difference of a day. Concessions such as these are of little moment to the sum of things; unless it be to prove that the worst of men are sensible of the injuries they have done us, and perhaps to demonstrate to us the imminent danger of our situation. In the shipwreck of the state, trifles float, and are preserved; while every thing solid and valuable sinks to the bottom, and is lost forever.

JUNIUS.

Above all things, let me guard my countrymen against the meanness and folly of accepting of a trifling or moderate compensation for extraordinary and essential injuries. Our enemy treats us as the cunning trader does the unskilful Indian; they magnify their generosity, when they give us baubles of little proportionate value for ivory and gold. The same house of commons, who robbed the constituent body of their right of free election; who presume to make a law, under pretence of declaring it; who paid our good king's debts, without once inquiring how they were incurred; who gave thanks for repeated murders committed at home, and for national infamy When I refer to signal instances of unpopular opin- incurred abroad; who screened lord Mansfield; who ons, delivered and maintained by men, who may imprisoned the magistrates of the metropolis for well be supposed to have no view but the public asserting the subject's right to the protection of the good, I do not mean to renew the discussion of such laws; who erased a judicial record, and ordered all opinions. I should be sorry to revive the dormant proceedings in a criminal suit to be suspended: this questions of Stamp Act, Corn Bill, or Press Warrant. very house of commons have graciously consented I mean only to illustrate one useful proposition, that their own members may be compelled to pay which it is the intention of this paper to inculcate, their debts, and that contested elections shall, for the "That we should not generally reject the friendship future, be determined with some decent regard to or services of any man, because he differs from us in the merits of the case. The event of the suit is of no a particular opinion." This will not appear a super-consequence to the crown. While parliaments are fluous caution, if we observe the ordinary conduct of mankind. In public affairs, there is the least chance of a perfect concurrence of sentiments or inclination: yet every man is able to contribute something to the common stock, and no man's contribution should be rejected. If individuals have no virtues, their vices may be of use to us. I care not with what principle the new born patriot is animated, if the measures he supports are beneficial to the community. The nation is interested in his conduct. His motives are his own. The properties of a patriot are perishable in the individual; but there is a quick succession of subjects, and the breed is worth preserving. The spirit of the Americans may be an useful example to us. Our dogs and our horses are only English upon English ground; but patriotism, it seems, may be improved by transplanting. I will not reject a bill which tends to confine parliamentary privilege within reasonable bounds, though it should be stolen from the house of Cavendish, and introduced by Mr. Onslow. The features of the infant are a proof of the descent, and vindicate the noble birth from the baseness of the adoption. I willingly accept of a sarcasm from colonel Barre, or a simile from Mr. Burke. Even the silent vote of Mr. Calcraft is worth reckoning in a division. What though he riots in the plunder of the army, and has only determined to be a patriot when he could not be a peer? Let us profit by the assistance of such men while they are with us, and place them, if it be possible, in the post of danger, to prevent desertion. The wary Wedderburne, the pompous Suffolk, never threw away the scabbard, nor ever went upon a forlorn hope. They always treated the king's servants But, says Scævola, lord Camden made parliament, as men with whom, some time or other, they might and not the king, judges of the necessity. That probably be in friendship. When a man, who stands parliament may review the acts of ministers, is forth for the public, has gone that length from which unquestionable; but there is a wide difference there is no practicable retreat, when he has given between saying, that the crown has a legal power and that kind of personal offense, which a pious monarch that the ministers may act at their peril. When we never pardons, I then begin to think him in earnest, say that an act is illegal, we mean that it is forand that he will never have occasion to solicit the bidden by a joint resolution of the three estates. forgiveness of his country. But instances of a deter- How a subsequent resolution of two of those branches mination so entire and unreserved are rarely met can make it legal, ab initio, will require explanation. with. Let us take mankind as they are; let us dis- If it could, the consequences would be truly dreadtribute the virtues and abilities of individuals ac-ful, especially in these times. There is no act of

LETTER LIX.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. SIR, October 15, 1771.

I am convinced that Junius is incapable of wilfully misrepresenting any man's opinion, and that his inclination leads him to treat lord Camden with particular candor and respect. The doctrine attributed to him by Junius, as far as it goes, corresponds with that stated by your correspondent Scævola, who seems to make a distinction without a difference. Lord Camden it is agreed, did certainly maintain, that, in the recess of parliament, the king (by which we all mean the king in council or the executive power) might suspend the operation of an act of the legislature; and he founded his doctrine upon a supposed necessity, of which the king, in the first instance, must be judge. The lords and commons cannot be judges of it in the first instance, for they do not exist. Thus far Junius.