A.D. 353-387. TREATY BETWEEN MAXIMUS AND THEODOSIUS. Treaty of 361 cuted, without remorse, the orders or the intentions of the usurper. Gratian, as he rose from supper, was delivered into the A.D. 383, hands of the assassin, and his body was denied to the Aug. 25. pious and pressing entreaties of his brother Valentinian.14 The death of the emperor was followed by that of his powerful general Mellobaudes, the king of the Franks, who maintained to the last moment of his life the ambiguous reputation which is the just recompence of obscure and subtle policy.15 These executions might be necessary to the public safety, but the successful usurper, whose power was acknowledged by all the provinces of the West, had the merit and the satisfaction of boasting that, except those who had perished by the chance of war, his triumph was not stained by the blood of the Romans.16 The events of this revolution had passed in such rapid succession that it would have been impossible for Theodosius to march to the relief of his benefactor before he received the intel- peace between ligence of his defeat and death. During the season of Maximus sincere grief or ostentatious mourning the Eastern emperor dosius, was interrupted by the arrival of the principal chamberlain of Maximus; and the choice of a venerable old man for an office which was usually exercised by eunuchs announced to the court of Constantinople the gravity and temperance of the British usurper. The ambassador condescended to justify or excuse the conduct of his master, and to protest, in specious language, that the murder of Gratian had been perpetrated, without his knowledge or consent, by the precipitate zeal of the soldiers. But he proceeded, in a firm and equal tone, to offer Theodosius the alternative of peace or war. The speech of the ambassador concluded with a spirited declaration that, although Maximus, as a Roman and as the father of his people, and Theo A.D. 383-387. 14 Zosimus (1. iv. [c. 35] p. 248, 249) has transported the death of Gratian from Lugdunum in Gaul (Lyons) to Singidunum in Mæsia. Some hints may be extracted from the Chronicles; some lies may be detected in Sozomen (1. vii. c. 13) and Socrates (1. v. c. 11). Ambrose is our most authentic evidence (tom. i. Enarrat. in Psalm lxi. p. 961, tom. ii. Epist. xxiv. p. 888, &c., and de Obitû Valentinian. Consolat. No. 28, p. 1182). 15 Pacatus (xii. 28) celebrates his fidelity; while his treachery is marked in Prosper's Chronicle as the cause of the ruin of Gratian. Ambrose, who has occasion to exculpate himself, only condemns the death of Vallio, a faithful servant of Gratian (tom. ii. Epist. xxiv. p. 891, edit. Benedict.).b 16 He protested, nullum ex adversariis nisi in acie occubuisse. Sulp. Severus in Vit. B. Martin. c. 23. The orator of Theodosius bestows reluctant, and therefore weighty, praise on his clemency. Si cui ille, pro ceteris sceleribus suis, minus crudelis fuisse videtur (Panegyr. Vet. xii. 28). Le Beau contests the reading in the chronicle of Prosper upon which this charge rests. Le Beau, iv. 232.-M. According to Pacatus, the Count Vallio, who commanded the army, was carried to Châlons to be burnt alive; but Maximus, dreading the imputation of cruelty, caused him to be secretly strangled by his Bretons. Macedonius also, master of the offices, suffered the death which he merited. Le Beau, iv. 244.-M. would choose rather to employ his forces in the common defence of the republic, he was armed and prepared, if his friendship should be rejected, to dispate in a field of battle the empire of the world. An immediate and peremptory answer was required, but it was extremely difficult for Theodosius to satisfy, on this important occasion, either the feelings of his own mind or the expectations of the public. The imperious voice of honour and gratitude called aloud for revenge. From the liberality of Gratian he had received the Imperial diadem ; his patience would encourage the odious suspicion that he was more deeply sensible of former injuries than of recent obligations; and if he accepted the friendship, he must seem to share the guilt, of the assassin. Even the principles of justice and the interest of society would receive a fatal blow from the impunity of Maximus, and the example of successful usurpation would tend to dissolve the artificial fabric of government, and once more to replunge the empire in the crimes and calamities of the preceding age. But, as the sentiments of gratitude and honour should invariably regulate the conduct of an individual, they may be overbalanced in the mind of a sovereign by the sense of superior duties, and the maxims both of justice and humanity must permit the escape of an atrocious criminal if an innocent people would be involved in the consequences of his punishment. The assassin of Gratian had usurped, but he actually possessed, the most warlike provinces of the empire; the East was exhausted by the misfortunes, and even by the success, of the Gothic war; and it was seriously to be apprehended that, after the vital strength of the republic had been wasted in a doubtful and destructive contest, the feeble conqueror would remain an easy prey to the barbarians of the north. These weighty considerations engaged Theodosius to dissemble his resentment and to accept the alliance of the tyrant. But he stipulated that Maximus should content himself with the possession of the countries beyond the Alps. The brother of Gratian was confirmed and secured in the sovereignty of Italy, Africa, and the Western Illyricum, and some honourable conditions were inserted in the treaty to protect the memory and the laws of the deceased emperor. According to the custom of the age, the images of the three Imperial colleagues were exhibited to the veneration of the people; nor should it be lightly supposed that, in the moment of a solemn reconciliation, Theodosius secretly cherished the intention of portidy and revenge.18 Ambrose mentions the laws of Gratian, quas non abrogavit hostis (tom. ii. Epist. wvil. p. 897). Zosimus, 1. iv. [c. 87] p. 251, 252. We may disclaim his odious suspicions, but we cannot reject the treaty of peace which the friends of Theodosius have absolutely Augotton, or slightly mentioned. orthodox A.D. 380, The contempt of Gratian for the Roman soldiers had exposed him to the fatal effects of their resentment. His profound vene- Baptism and ration for the Christian clergy was rewarded by the ap- of plause and gratitude of a powerful order, which has claimed Theodosius, in every age the privilege of dispensing honours, both on Feb. 28. earth and in heaven.' The orthodox bishops bewailed his death, and their own irreparable loss; but they were soon comforted by the discovery that Gratian had committed the sceptre of the East to the hands of a prince whose humble faith and fervent zeal were supported by the spirit and abilities of a more vigorous character. Among the benefactors of the church, the fame of Constantine has been rivalled by the glory of Theodosius. If Constantine had the advantage of erecting the standard of the cross, the emulation of his successor assumed the merit of subduing the Arian heresy, and of abolishing the worship of idols in the Roman world. Theodosius was the first of the emperors baptized in the true faith of the Trinity. Although he was born of a Christian family, the maxims, or at least the practice, of the age, encouraged him to delay the ceremony of his initiation, till he was admonished of the danger of delay by the serious illness which threatened his life towards the end of the first year of his reign. Before he again took the field against the Goths, he received the sacrament of baptism 20 from Acholius, the orthodox bishop of Thessalonica:21 and, as the emperor ascended from the holy font, still glowing with the warm feelings of regeneration, he dictated a solemn edict, which proclaimed his own faith, and prescribed the religion of his subjects. "It is our pleasure (such is "the Imperial style) that all the nations which are governed by our "clemency and moderation should stedfastly adhere to the religion "which was taught by St. Peter to the Romans, which faithful tradi"tion has preserved, and which is now professed by the pontiff “Damasus, and by Peter, bishop of Alexandria, a man of apostolic "holiness. According to the discipline of the apostles, and the "doctrine of the Gospel, let us believe the sole deity of the Father, "the Son, and the Holy Ghost, under an equal majesty and a pious 66 Trinity. We authorise the followers of this doctrine to assume the "title of Catholic Christians; and as we judge that all others are "extravagant madmen, we brand them with the infamous name of 19 Their oracle, the archbishop of Milan, assigns to his pupil Gratian an high and respectable place in heaven (tom. ii. de Obit. Val. Consol. p. 1193). For the baptism of Theodosius, see Sozomen (1. vii. c. 4), Socrates (1. v. c. 6), and Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 728). 21 Ascolius, or Acholius, was honoured by the friendship and the praises of Ambrose, who styles him, murus fidei atque sanctitatis (tom. ii. Epist. xv. p. 820); and afterwards celebrates his speed and diligence in running to Constantinople, Italy, &c. (Epist. xvi. p. 822)—a virtue which does not appertain either to a wall or a bishop. "Heretics, and declare that their conventicles shall no longer usurp "the respectable appellation of churches. Besides the condemnation "of Divine justice, they must expect to suffer the severe penalties "which our authority, guided by heavenly wisdom, shall think proper "to inflict upon them." 22 The faith of a soldier is commonly the fruit of instruction, rather than of inquiry; but as the emperor always fixed his eyes on the visible landmarks of orthodoxy which he had so prudently constituted, his religious opinions were never affected by the specious texts, the subtle arguments, and the ambiguous creeds of the Arian doctors. Once indeed he expressed a faint inclination to converse with the eloquent and learned Eunomius, who lived in retirement at a small distance from Constantinople. But the dangerous interview was prevented by the prayers of the empress Flaccilla, who trembled for the salvation of her husband; and the mind of Theodosius was confirmed by a theological argument adapted to the rudest capacity. He had lately bestowed on his eldest son Arcadius the name and honours of Augustus, and the two princes were seated on a stately throne to receive the homage of their subjects. A bishop, Amphilochius of Iconium, approached the throne, and, after saluting with due reverence the person of his sovereign, he accosted the royal youth with the same familiar tenderness which he might have used towards a plebeian child. Provoked by this insolent behaviour, the monarch gave orders that the rustic priest should be instantly driven from his presence. But while the guards were forcing him to the door, the dexterous polemic had time to execute his design, by exclaiming, with a loud voice, "Such is the "treatment, O emperor! which the King of heaven has prepared for "those impious men who affect to worship the Father, but refuse to "acknowledge the equal majesty of his divine Son." Theodosius immediately embraced the bishop of Iconium, and never forgot the important lesson which he had received from this dramatic parable. 23 Constantinople was the principal seat and fortress of Arianism; Arianism of and, in a long interval of forty years,24 the faith of the princes and prelates who reigned in the capital of the East was rejected in the purer schools of Rome and Alexandria. Constanti nople, 22 Codex Theodos. 1. xvi. tit. i. leg. 2, with Godefroy's Commentary, tom. vi. p. 5-9. Such an edict deserved the warmest praises of Baronius, auream sanctionem, edictum pium et salutare.-Sic itur ad astra. 23 Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 6. Theodoret, 1. v. c. 16. Tillemont is displeased (Mém. Ecclés. tom. vi. p. 627, 628) with the terms of "rustic bishop," "obscure city." Yet I must take leave to think that both Amphilochius and Iconium were objects of inconsiderable magnitude in the Roman empire. 24 Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 5. Socrates, 1. v. c. 7. Marcellin. in Chron. The account of forty years must be dated from the election or intrusion of Eusebius, who wisely exchanged the bishopric of Nicomedia for the throne of Constantinople. 66 The archiepiscopal throne of Macedonius, which had been polluted with so much Christian blood, was successively filled by Eudoxus and Damophilus. Their diocese enjoyed a free importation of vice and error from every province of the empire; the eager pursuit of religious controversy afforded a new occupation to the busy idleness of the metropolis: and we may credit the assertion of an intelligent observer, who describes, with some pleasantry, the effects of their loquacious zeal. "This city," says he, "is full of mechanics and "slaves, who are all of them profound theologians, and preach in the shops and in the streets. If you desire a man to change a piece of "silver, he informs you wherein the Son differs from the Father; if you ask the price of a loaf, you are told, by way of reply, that the "Son is inferior to the Father; and if you inquire whether the bath "is ready, the answer is, that the Son was made out of nothing." 25 The heretics, of various denominations, subsisted in peace under the protection of the Arians of Constantinople, who endeavoured to secure the attachment of those obscure sectaries, while they abused, with unrelenting severity, the victory which they had obtained over the followers of the council of Nice. During the partial reigns of Constantius and Valens, the feeble remnant of the Homoousians was deprived of the public and private exercise of their religion; and it has been observed, in pathetic language, that the scattered flock was left without a shepherd to wander on the mountains, or to be devoured by rapacious wolves. 26 But as their zeal, instead of being subdued, derived strength and vigour from oppression, they seized the first moments of imperfect freedom, which they acquired by the death of Valens, to form themselves into a regular congregation, under the conduct of an episcopal pastor. Two natives of Cappadocia, Basil and Gregory Nazianzen,27 were distinguished Gregory above all their contemporaries28 by the rare union of profane eloquence and of orthodox piety. These orators, who might sometimes be compared, by themselves and by the public, to the Nazianzen 25 See Jortin's Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 71. The thirty-third Oration of Gregory Nazianzen affords indeed some similar ideas, even some still more ridiculous; but I have not yet found the words of this remarkable passage, which I allege on the faith of a correct and liberal scholar. 26 See the thirty-second Oration of Gregory Nazianzen, and the account of his own life, which he has composed in 1800 iambics. Yet every physician is prone to exaggerate the inveterate nature of the disease which he has cured. I confess myself deeply indebted to the two Lives of Gregory Nazianzen, composed, with very different views, by Tillemont (Mém. Ecclés. tom. ix. p. 305-560, 692-731), and Le Clerc (Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. xviii. p. 1-128). 28 Unless Gregory Nazianzen mistook thirty years in his own age, he was born, as well as his friend Basil, about the year 329. The preposterous chronology of Suidas has been graciously received, because it removes the scandal of Gregory's father, a saint likewise, begetting children after he became a bishop (Tillemont, Mém. Ecclés. tom. ix. p. 693-697). |