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CHAPTER IX.

ItalyResignation of the Ricatoli MinistrySignor Ratazzi form* a new Cabinet—Programme of the Policy of the MinistrySpeech of Baron RicatoliFoolish Enterprise of GaribaldiHis Revolutionary Address to the HungariansAnstcer of KlapkaGaribaldi in Sicily Proclamation by the KingGaribaldi Crosses over to the Mainland Affair of AspromonteLetter of Garibaldi, giving his version of the EncounterDecree of Amnesty Change of MinistrySigner Farinifotms a new Cabinet—His Speedi in the Chambers.

GreeceInsurrection at NaupliaAddress of the King to the ArmyArgos surrendered to the Royal TroopsNauplia invested and blockadedProclamations of the King—Manifesto of the InsurgentsSurrender of Nauplia, and End of the InsurrectionOutbreak of a General Revolution in OctobeiProclamation by the Provisional Government at A thensThe King and Queen leave Greece—Decree calling upon the People to Elect a King by Universal SuffragePrince Alfred of England chosen King nf GreeceThe British Government refuses its Sanction to the Election Question of the Cession of the Ionian Islands.

Pobtdoal—Dom Luis I, proclaimed King of PortugalHis Speech to the Chambers.

AT the end of February, the Finance, Signor Sella; Public Italian Premier, Baron Ri- Works, Signor Depretis; Agricasoli, on the alleged ground that culture and Commerce, Marquis he could not command sufficient Pepoli; Instruction, Signor Mansupport in the Chambers, placed cini; Army, Signor Pelitti; Mihis resignation in the hands of line. Admiral Persono; Justice, the King, who sent for Signor Signor Cordova; Without PortRatazzi, and entrusted him with folio, Signor Poggi. the task of forming a new Mi- A change, however, soon aftcrnistry.* This was ultimately com- terwards took place in the Caposed as follows:— binet, and Signori Cordova, ManForeign Affairs and Home Af- cini, and Poggi resigned. Gefairs, ad interim, Signor Ratazzi; neral Durand was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, and • W* hare good reawo to Wliere th»l Signor Mattourci Minister of oi»-of tli<-chiri rrruoiM f<T Baron Rii-unli • n„i,i:- !»>„•_...»:„.. _i.-i o, 1 uiiiic Instruction, while ism

rr»nnuti'in mw the eii«t*noe of wniirtfr _ ... ,.T , *

femtb iaBaciKC at Um Gwt of Um King nor Katazzi himself took, ad Victor K»amno«L m/«rtM, the office of Minister of

Justice, which was afterwards bestowed on Signor Conforti.

On the 7th of March, the new Premier made a long speech, in which lie unfolded the policy he intended to pursue. It was in substance as follows: —

As regarded foreign Powers, Italy could not, he said, doom herself to isolation. She must rely on alliances, and her natural allies were, in the first place, France, who had shed her blood, and England, who had given the aid of her moral support, and had first recognized the new Stale. Alliance, however, must not be obtained at the price of national dignity and independence. It will also be the object of the Government to endeavour to obtain the good-will of those Powers which as yet keep aloof from Italy and refuse to acknowledge the new kingdom. The new Ministers will be faithful to that vote of Parliament which declared Rome to be the capital of Italy. They would go to Rome by moral and diplomatic means, always hand in hand with France. The notion that the temporal power was rather a stumbling-block than a help to the Papacy had been gaining ground in the Catholic world, and in France especially, as might be seen from the improved tone of the late debates on the subject in both French Houses.

In matters connected with home policy, Signor Ratazzi promised to lean equally on men of all parties,—on all men, that is, who agreed on the principle of Italian unity and independence under the dynasty of Victor Emmanuel. Place and preferment should bo dealt out impartially, without provincial distinction.

Government would combine political unity with administrative decentralization. They would write "economy" on their banner, and would curtail expenses with the greatest diligence; they would vie with the Chamber in reducing the Budget of 1862 to the lowest possible figure, and present the estimates of 1863 upon the same thrifty and rigidly saving plan. They would carry on the discussion of the financial Bills already before the House, and set the public treasury in order. The only extravagance they would allow themselves would be for the benefit of the national armament. There would be no stint for the army; none for the navy, which was to be organized on a totally new plan. Public works and instruction would be carried on with the greatest activity where the need was most sorely felt—in the Southern Provinces and the Island of Sardinia. He promised also "the prompt, immediate, and real execution of the Bills and Resolutions already gone through Parliament respecting the national armament." This referred chiefly to the Garibaldi law, the purpose of which was to organize and arm 230 battalions of mobilized National Guards, under the orders mainlyof thoseGaribaldian officers who composed the three divisions of the so-called "Volunteer or Southern Army."

The chief interest of the discussion that ensued was centred in a speech of Baron Ricasoli, who explained the cause of the resignation of himself and his colleagues. He said that their retirement was not, as had been asserted, owing to any dissensions in the Cabinet. Twice only had there been divergence of opinion among its members, and, in both instances, matters were at stake which involved no general political principle. In one instance, when Miglietti, the Minister of Grace and Justice, submitted his new Penal Code to the approbation of his colleagues, the Tuscan members of the Council of Ministers stood out for the abolition of capital punishment. Their objections were, however, overruled, and the Code had been laid before the Senate in its original form. Again, there had been a difference of opinion between the Tuscans and Cordova respecting the Bill of the latter for the introduction of a gold currency into Tuscany and Naples; but these were questions of minor moment, and could never be said to amount to an actual split in the Cabinet.

He then proceeded to point out the real causes of his retirement, and said he would limit himself to the statement of merely Parliamentary transactions. On the 11 tli of December last, at the close of a long discussion on Homan and Neapolitan affairs, the Ministers were apparently strengthened by a very large majority of the Chamber. Fault was, however, found with them, privately, because they had hitherto failed to complete the Cabinet, yet all their efforts to fulfil that intent by adding to their number a Minister for Home Affairs had invariably proved unavailing. The Parliamentary support on which they reckoned was, therefore, rather apparent than real, and it had failed them in more than one instance, when, in questions of minor importance, they had not only beeu inefficiently backed, but actually opposed by their pro

fessed partisans. Between the votes of confidence and the demeanour of the representatives there was a discordance which amounted to an actual vote of want of confidence. "Now, gentlemen," said Baron Ricasoli, " it was not in my character to abide in an equivocal position like this."1 From that moment, he went on, he conceived that it was the duty of Ministers to retire. The vote of the 25th February, which was not only, if possible, more favorable than the former vote, but which, indeed, was unanimous for Government, was even more hollow and unmeaning, and it was that very vote which led to the decision which hod been lately adopted. The Ministers tendered their resignation, and insisted upon its acceptance. The King was so good as to express a wish that Ministers should wait for a new decision of Parliament. But Parliamentary votes had never been of any avail to clearly define the actual position of the Cabinet, and a new appeal to it would not have changed the condition of things. Hence, Ministers insisted upon their resignation; hence, His Majesty made use of his prerogative; and he had nothing more to add.

The chief incident of the year was a foolish attempt of Garibaldi to lead a bond of adventurers to the walls of Rome, in the Quixotic hope that he would be able to plant the flag of Italy on the walls of the Eternal City. Ho seems to liave imagined that his enterprise would induce the Italians to rise en matte, and that tho French Emperor, seeing the enthusiasm of the people, would withdraw his troops from Rome. On any other hypothesis, it is difficult to suppose that Garibaldi could have been mad enough to lead a handful of volunteers against the disciplined battalions of France who defended the Papal territory. He landed in Sicily in July, and at once began to organize the movement, which had all the appearance of an insurrection.

On the U6th of July, he published at Palermo a revolutionary address to the Hungarians, which contained the following passages:

"Hungarians!—What is Hungary about? Is that noble nation, which already the victorious Turk has seen rise suddenly armed in the defence of the civilization of Europe—thatnation before which the proud Emperors of Hapsburg have bent as supplicants, asking aid and mercy—is it gone to sleep for ever?

"Brothers of Hungary! Revolution is on your threshold. Sharpen your glance, and you will see the flag of liberty floating on the towers of Belgrade. Listen attentively, and you will hear the rattle of Servian rifles, who, up and armed in defence of their rights, are fighting against the abhorred system

"You also are oppressed under a ferocious despotism; you nlso have Austria like a rock on your chest, stopping your breath —Austria, whose empire you have saved more than once—Austria, who, as a reward for having lent her many a time the bulwark of your powerful breasts, has violated your laws, annihilated your statutes, attempted to abolish your language, exiled your best citizens, and erected gallows in your cities 1 Do you despair of

your own strength and valour? Do not forget that in 1848 you had only to push on your triumphal road to Vienna to destroy for ever the old sanguinary throne of the Hapsburgs.

"The present moment is more propitious. Russia will not now offer a helping hand to Austria to thwart your efforts; she has been paid with too much ingratitude; and Prussia, the ancient rival of the Empire, will not defend her against your attacks. . .

"Italy, who loves you as brothers, who has promised to repay you the price of blood which your brave sons have shed for her on many battle-fields—Italy, grateful, and who honours and blesses the sacred memory of Tiickery, who died for her, calls upon you to share her new battles and her new victories over despotism; she invokes you, in the name of the holy fraternity of peoples, in the name of the welfare of all.

"Sons of Arpad, would you betray your brothers? Will you fail to join the rendezvous of nations when they meet to do battle against despotism? Certainly liberty abandoned by you would run great risks; but your fame would be lost for ever; the martyrs of Arad would curse you as degenerate sons.

"Oh! I know you 1 I do not doubt you. Hungary, too long deceived by perfidious friends, will awaken to the cry of liberty, which to-day reaches it across the Danube, and will to-morrow resound from Italy. And when the solemn hour of nations strikes I shall, I am sure, meet your invincible phalanxes on that field where a death-struggle will be fought between liberty and tyranny, between barbarism and civilization.

"Your sincere brother,

"G. Garibaldi."

To this incendiary proclamation, an admirable answer was returned by Klapka, the Hungarian leader in the insurrection of 1848. It was dated Turin, August 23 :—

"General,—You have just addressed an appeal to arms to Hungary. Your voice might have found an echo among my countrymen if you had raised that warcry at the head of your Volunteers united to the Hoyal troops to advance by common agreement against the Hapsburg dynasty. It cannot now be responded to, for it is not the voice of Italy, but of a roan who is working to destroy his own glory, and who compromises his name and his fortune in the sad chances of civil war.

"To rouse the Hungarians to insurrection you quote the example of the Servians, of the Greeks, and of the Montenegrins. That example is, in fact, a lesson for Hungary; it tells her to wait for a more propitious moment, if she wishes to avoid the same mistakes and the same disasters. The Servians, tho Greeks, and the Montenegrins have thought fit to respond to an appeal like that you have addressed to us. They were to be supported in their movement; I even believe that they expected you. What a fine occasion you have lost of continuing that task of liberator which you commenced with so much success! The fate of all those people, betrayed in their

hopes, does not reconcile us to oppression, but bids us bear our strength for more favourable circumstances. This patriotic prudence does not please you, and you remind us of our duty. Thi* empowers us to remind you of yours. Have you not forgotten it, General, by separating yourself, as you have done, from the legal powers sanctioned by the vote of the people, and by raising the standard of rebellion? Stop — there is still time — in this lamentable course. Cease to work for Austria and for all European reactions by wishing to hasten too quickly the emancipation of Italy. Drive away from her all these menaces of civil war which alarm all honest citizens. You owe this to your past career; you owe it to your name; you owe it to the hopes which you have engendered among nations who are suffering, and which you cannot deceive without betraying yourself.

"As regards Hungary, she intends to and she must act, and she has already shown what she can do. But to attempt this new effort, while listening to the voice of her friends, she must first consult her own conscience. She would be happy on the day of struggle to lend her hand to Italy, united with her against Austria. May God will it that, when that day comes, you may resume the task which your lucky star seems to reserve to you in contemporary events!"

From Palermo a body of Volunteers marched to Corlcone, a town in the interior, where they disarmed the National Guard, and armed themselves with their muskets. They then took up

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