PART THIRD.

THE PEOPLE AND THE GOVERNMENT.

1. All government is professedly for the good of the people; but a point of fact, nearly every government that has ever been instituted has been in the interest of an individual, a family, or a class. American statesmen, in forming our government, admitted the superior rights of no man or class of men. It was carefully organized to exclude all claims or pretenses of that kind, with a single exception, at first, which afterward disappeared in the tempest of a civil war. The executive, the various members of the government, and the law makers depend on the people for their elevation. At first they possessed only the dignity, privileges, and rights of the people at large, and, their term of office expired, they return to the same level, honored, indeed, if they have been faithful servants; if not, carrying to their dishonored graves the reproaches and contempt of their fellow-citizens, but retaining, in neither case, vestige of the power and exaltation over others that clothed them when in office, the contrary of which so often makes an unworthy man respectable in a different form of government.

2. That the masses of the people would be able to exercise a true sovereignty without abusing it was always doubted until the trial was made in this country. A very respectable class of statesmen in the early days of the Republic, sympathized in

this doubt, and it even crept into the Constitution in the form of electors who were to choose the President; intimating a dia trust of the wisdom and sound discretion of the voters in the choice of the Chief Magistrate. The liberty allowed to the Legislatures of the States to determine the manner in which electors should be chosen, while it recognized State authority on one side, on the other implied a hesitation to trust so important a matter directly to the people; and for a long time they were only indirectly consulted as to the choice of a President.

3. It was not, however, caused by a desire to keep power from them, but rather to avoid the unhappy effect of popular heat and rashness, so often observed in popular governments before attempted. This distrustful party first took control of the government, retained it during three presidential terms, and for many years afterwards formed an influential minority whose criticisms were of importance in establishing a traditional policy for the government. This party-the Federalists, headed by Washington and Hamilton-sought to found a strong and stable government that should be able to fully protect the country from foreign interference and domestic discord. Their control over the administration was somewhat abruptly closed by acts considered arbitrary, interfering with full freedom of speech and of the press--the "Sedition Laws" as they were called. Jefferson and the Republican party demanded the largest popular freedom, and had the conduct of the govern ment for twenty-four years, impressing on its habits and policy the respect for the opinions of the people at large that has ever since characterized it. The people gradually gained control of presidential elections and practically set the electors aside, making and enforcing their own choice in general elections.

4. The exercise of popular sovereignty has gradually been enlarged, no qualification but that of age and nativity being now generally required, and the government may fairly be considered to represent the views of a majority of the people, and not only of the native, but also of the foreign born; since the

great mass of the latter are, by naturalization, absorbed into the mass of citizens. They come to make a permanent home with us, from a preference, as it is fair to assume, for republican institutions; and it is considered right that they should have a voice in the conduct of them. Nor have the American people seen cause to regret their liberality in this respect. Citizens of foreign birth have usually proved as thoughtful and wise as the rest of the population, and as worthy of citizenship. They bring to us wealth in their labor if not in their purses, and soon become thoroughly American in their habits. and sympathies. The government and the people cordially welcome them, and find themselves the stronger and richer by so doing.

5. It must not be forgotten that the strongest fears of popular influence on the government, the stability of our institutions, and the maintenance of the good order necessary to the security of property and the general prosperity, were enter tained at the first; that the prophecies of the foreseers of evil have been almost uniformly false during its whole course; and that the relation between the people and the general government has constantly grown closer, to the great advantage of both. The first war into which the country was plunged after the Revolution-that of 1812-was comparatively a failure, in its earlier part, for want of this mutual confidence. Later the people and the government have been more closely, allied, and the government has been strong while the people have seen their cherished ends gained.

There has been continual advance in liberality of administration, in efficiency of organization, and in the completeness of social order. We have no reason to suppose that a tendency, continued through a hundred years and favored by so many circumstances that are common to all nations in our generation to a degree never before known, will be changed. Rather we may confidently expect that with increased intelligence, expe rience, and prosperity that tendency will be strengthened.

i.

CHAPTER I.

SUFFRAGE AND CITIZENSHIP.

The right pertaining to citizenship, to vote for such officers as are elected by the people, is called suffrage. When that right is acquired with respect to one class of officers it always extends to the whole, from petty town or city officials, to high officers of the State and United States government— all, in short, who obtain office directly from the people.

2. The Constitution defines who shall be regarded as citizens of the United States, and all such are declared by it to be also citizens of the State in which they reside. It declares "all persons, born, or naturalized in the United States, and subject to its jurisdiction" to be citizens. Indian tribes are mostly regarded as foreign na ons, and have such rights as treaties give them, but are no taxed and do not vote; therefore they are not regarded as citizens.

3. Yet suffrage does not belong to all citizens. The special regulation of the voting prerogative was not assumed by the Constitution, nor delegated to Congress, and it is generally conceded that it belongs to the State governments. The regu lations in the States are not uniform, but in no State do women or minors vote. This cuts off a large part of the citizens, nearly three-fourths belonging to these classes. Minors are supposed, however, to be represented, as to their interests, by their guardians, and females by husbands or brothers. Some of the States make minor restrictions as to length of residence in the State, and require a certain amount of property to constitute a voter, and in some naturalization is not required-so that the range of the right of suffrage varies within small limits, in different States. Whatever rule is adopted by the States has been accepted as the basis of suffrage for that State by the general government, when members of Congress and President and Vice-President are voted for.

4. It seems to be a loose point in the regulations, otherwise so admirable, since it may work a considerable inequality

under given circumstances; and, in some cases, might change the policy of the government. It is a question worthy of consideration whether there should not be an amendment to the Constitution establishing uniformity of suffrage in all the States. This point has caused much discussion in the State governinents and various changes have been, from time to time, made in many of them. These have been, usually, in the direction of liberality--tending to enlarge the scope of suffrage. The property qualification, quite common in earlier times, is now rare. The fifteenth amendment, recently adopted, has largely increased the number of voters.

5. The experience of the Republic, thus far, has been in favor of the doctrine that it is safe to trust the people with their own interests, and that the responsibilities of self-government, when they are laid on them under the favorable circumstances that exist among us, tend to improvement instead of disorganization. Whether this will always be the case it may not be safe to assume, and a prudent regard to possibilities should not be neglected; but we should not forget that those who founded American liberty ran great risks of anarchy in the eyes of their contemporaries. We ought to be able safely to continue a policy of suffrage which they introduced with results so fortunate.

6. Education needs to be encouraged, and this has always received much attention. It is probable that but for the very liberal provision made in this respect, the fate of our government would have been very different. Many foreigners who had no early education, have been naturalized, and the colored people born in the country have been made citizens. If the remainder of the people had not been intelligent, it would no doubt have been extremely dangerous. It has led to some serious local interruptions of order and prosperity, but they have been, so far, temporary; and the general effect has been to awaken ambition for education; the children of new-made citizens have enjoyed the same facilities as others to acquire intelligence necessary to a citizen; and the right of suffrage,