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will be, as far as my agency and influence can extend, to secure the freedom of elections, the liberty of speech, of the press, and of religion, to protect the rights of the citizens, -to aid the progress of internal improvements,-to provide for the general dissemination of knowledge,--to promote by all proper regulations the prosperity of agriculture, commerce and manufactures,--to render the administration of justice prompt and equal,-to establish an efficient militia, --to encourage those arts and sciences which dignify mankind and smooth the course of life,--to maintain state sovereignty, and at the same time to render due respect and fidelity to the federal government,-and cherish that morality and religion which are an ornament to human nature, and the only immutable basis on which republics are founded. It is a well known fact, settled by the experience of past ages, that the decline and ultimate ruin of republics have more frequently arisen from a want of a rigid adherence to republican virtues and simplicity than from all other causes combined. A democratic republican government is best suited to the peace, prosperity and intellectual exaltation of man. "It originates from the people, is formed in consent, and instituted for the general good." Self government is an early dictate, arising from the dignity of human nature,' and the improvement of the intellectual powers. In proportion as man is deprived of this privilege, he is debased from the high station in which he is placed in the scale of being by the will of his Creator.-A virtuous, liberal and well informed mind, reveres the maxim, "that all men are born equally free and independent," and spurns the degradation of the menial subjects of a princely despot. "All men have certain natural, essential and inherent rights," which are to be protected by our republican institutions. This the citizen expects when he enters into political society, and it is guaranteed to him by the principles of the social compact. This harmonizes with our interest and dignity, and justifies every possible exertion to draw around our political institutions' the most sure and permanent protection. These principles. are important to support the essential rights of every state government, maintain domestic tranquillity, and guard the administration from anti-republican encroachments. They excite a jealous care over our elective franchise by the people, an acquiescence in the decisions of the majority as the vital principle of a republic,-economy in public expenses, encouragement of agriculture and commerce,the diffusion of information, freedom of religion and the press,

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and the trial of public men and public measures at the bar of public opinion.' These cardinal points are among the primary principles of our government, and are recognized and enforced by the letter and spirit of our constitution. We are taught by "a recurrence to the fundamental principles" of that instrument, that "all elections ought to be free,that knowledge and learning in a community are essential to the preservation of a free government,-that every individual has a natural and unalienable right to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience and reason.'

Suppress the "liberty of the press, which is essential to the security of freedom in a state," and the consequences are, fraud and anarchy in your government. Upon the gen eral information and virtue of the people, we must rely, for the preservation and permanence of our civil and religious institutions. Knowledge is the grand basis of a republican government, and virtue is its main support. Education is a subject on which we cannot bestow too much attention, nor afford too great a share of patronage. The knowledge and virtue of the rising generation, are identified with the interest, prosperity and perpetuity of this republic.'

Morality and piety will give the best security to government, and lay in the hearts of men the strongest obligations to due subjection; they are essential to the preservation of the rights of every individual, his life, liberty, property and character." These general principles and constitutional provisions, should be revered and fully appreciated by every individual in the community; for they constitute an impor tant part of that "illustrious constellation," which has enlightened our paths and guided our steps, through revolution and progressive improvement,' to that eminence to which our state is now exalted. They come into the political creed of every true republican,---they are the people's text book and touch-stone, by which they try the political measures of those who administer their government. With these views, I must be allowed to make a few further remarks on the general subject of education. As the freedom, purity and stability of our republican institutions depend upon the gene eral information and intelligence of the citizens, the instruction of our youth can never be safely neglected by a free people. The very just remark has been frequently made, "that liberty without education is but a precarious blessing." 1 Although the great importance of this subject has been often pressed upon your attention, you will not think it intrud ing, if I again present it for your consideration. Its value

was distinctly seen and fully appreciated by those venerable sages who framed our constitution. They deemed it "essential to the preservation of a free governmeat." The literary qualifications of those who are to bear rule in hereditary governments are not neglected. The education of the prince is considered a national concern. The expenses are defrayed by the nation,-in this they justly take a deep interest ;-because it is essential that he should be well educated, that he may possess those pre-requisite qualifications, to enable him to administer the government wisely, and conduct the concerns of the nation correctly, according to the provisions of their constitution. Is it not much more important, in a free elective government, that knowledge should be gener ally extended, and our citizens well informed, who are promiscuously called to participate in the ordinary concerns of the government, many of whom may aspire to become eminent rulers? It is the advantages which our youth derive from our primary schools, that directs them to the higher seminaries of learning. All your expenditures on this subject will be richly repaid; they will yield you a revenue of virtues and principles, which cement a republic in an indissoluble union. They would bind citizen to citizen, state to state,' and form a political connexion which every individual would perceive, feel, and cherish, and nothing could destroy. These considerations are sufficiently important, if viewed in their various consequences, to attract the most deliberate attention of the legislature to the subject of education. It is this that facilitates intercourse in society and makes it valuable, that teaches men to cherish the harmony and union of the states as the source of their prosperity and happiness. An eminent writer observes, "the advantages are great and various, public and private, present and future, commercial and economical, moral and political." From these and various other considerations, I feel induced to suggest the propriety of turning your attention to the regulation of our common schools, and the importance of establishing some system which shall be applicable to the circumstances and adequate to the needs of youth in the present state of society. I am fully persuaded that it is within the power of the legislature to make such provisions as to secure the faithful and judicious application of the money now raised for the support of schools, and many incidental advantages connected with that application It is not expected that every citizen can be qualified for a 'judge, a general, or a legis

lator,' but it is essential, to the stability of our institutions, that every citizen should be an understanding voter, and possess that general information by which he will be competent to discriminate between men and measures, and to withstand the intrigues of demagogues; otherwise, he may become an agent for their use, and both an object and instrument of corruption; his privilege is an injury to himself, and makes him a nuisance to society. This is the way in which "mea become their own worst enemies." Every enlightened government will estimate the legal provisions, which regulate the education of youth, among the most important subjects of legislation. We can all distinctly see, that a good system of regulations on this subject, faithfully and impartially executed, is essential to ensure constant advancement in literature and morals.

And what can be more important, than that those who are soon to fill the places, perform the services, and exercise the powers of the present generation, should come into public life, with enlarged minds and correct political views ? We ought to consider the moral character, fidelity, and literary qualifications of those who are employed to instruct, too intimately connected withthe interest and intellectual improvement of the rising generation, not to undergo a critical scrutiny by those who employ them. Let all legislators, civil officers and citizens realize the importance of this subject, as it respects the present and future prosperity of the community, and they will with one accord use their influence to have those customs and principles maintained, which regulate the morals, guard the habits, and preserve our republican institutions from decay and ruin. To aid the great objects of education, several of the states have made provision by law, for annual returns of the condition of their schools throughout the state. These could be made, by some authorized person in each town, to the department of state, with little cost or trouble; which would, by a consolidation made by the Secretary, present at one view, the whole number of children instructed in such schools, with such incidental remarks, as would richly compensate for all expense. Such a system, if correctly and faithfully managed, would greatly tend to inspire both instructors and pupils with ambition, and disclose any defects in their management, or designs to evade the provisions of the statute.

"A well regulated Militia is the proper, natural and sure defence of a state." This sentiment universally admitted by all republics, and so fully expressed in our constitution,

merits your most deliberate consideration. In a government like ours, it is of the utmost importance, that the Militia. be well equipped and disciplined. The signal services rendered by this portion of military defence at the time of the revolution, and during the last war, cannot be forgotten by the soldier, nor any of the friends of our civil institutions, till the scenes of Bunker-Hill and Bennington are obliterated from the history of our country. We are always exposed, and constantly liable to be involved in war with some foreign power, and that system upon which we place our greatest reliance should be encouraged and invigorated.

There is vested in the general government, a constitutional power, to make provision by law, for "organizing and. disciplining the Militia" throughout the union; but, as congress has not seen fit at present to exercise this power, the subject is left with the states, and it remains, Gentlemen, with you to say, whether the condition of the Militia of this state shall be so improved as to be competent to render that assistance and make that defence which will be absolutely essential, in case of foreign invasion. It is unnecessary to reiterate remarks made on a former occasion on this subject; my opinion remains the same, that the Militia is capable of improvement, and that further provision ought to be made by law to effect that object. I will, however, suggest, that it is of the highest importance that some method be devised and established, by which courts martial shall be more judiciously managed, that they may become less expensive to the state. It is not an uncommon thing, for the members to be detailed who reside at a great distance from the place of sitting, instead of selecting those who live in the vicinity, and also, to summon a greater number of witnesses than is absolutely necessary to sustain the several specifications, all which tend to increase the expenses of the trial.

The agricultural and manufacturing interests of the state will attract your early attention. Subjects in which all the citizens in the community are so deeply concerned, and which are so closely connected with our general prosperity, and national and individual independence, will not fail to ob tain the fostering care and assistance of the legislature..

I would suggest the importance of amending the "act more effectually to secure to the citizens of this state their rights of suffrage." These are among the most precious privileges of our political institutions, and those great objects which induced our fathers to declare national independence, and contend till the glorious object was accomplish