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Some, however, may flatter themselves, that, by what sinister means soever their fortune be procured, they are determined to use it well when obtained; when it was said of Augustus Cæsar and Septimus Severus, that "they ought never to have been born, or never to have died": so much evil they committed in aspiring, and so much good they did when seated. But let such men know that this recompensing of evil with good, though it may be approved after the action, yet is justly condemned in the design. Lastly, it may not be amiss, in this eager pursuit of fortune, for men to cool themselves a little with the saying of Charles the Fifth to his son; viz. "Fortune is like the ladies, who generally scorn and discard their overearnest admirers.' But this last remedy belongs to such as have their taste vitiated by a disease of the mind. Let mankind rather rest upon the cornerstone of divinity and philosophy, both which nearly agree in the thing that ought first to be sought. For Divinity says, "Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and all other things shall be added unto you":10 so philosophy directs us first to seek the goods of the mind, and the rest will either be supplied, or are not much wanted. For although this foundation, laid by human hands, is sometimes placed upon the sand, as in the case of Brutus, who, at his death, cried out, "O virtue, I have reverenced thee as a being, but alas, thou art an empty name!"' 10" yet the same foundation is ever, by the Divine hand, fixed upon a rock. And here we conclude the doctrine of rising in life, and the general doctrine of business, together.

106 Matt. vi. 33.

107 Ω τλῆμον ἀρετὴ, λόγος ἄρ ̓ ἦσθ'· ἐγὼ δέ σε

Ως ἔργον ἤσκουν· σὺ δ' ἄρ ̓ ἐδούλευες τοχή. Dio Cass. xlvii. 49.

CHAPTER III

The Arts of Empire or State Policy omitted. Two Deficiencies alone noticed. The Art of Enlarging the Bounds of Empire, and the Knowledge

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of Universal Justice drawn from the Fountains of Law

E COME now to the art of empire, or the doctrine of governing a state, which includes economics, as a city includes a family. But here, according to my former resolution, I impose silence upon myself; how well qualified soever I might seem to treat the subject, from the constant course of life, studies, employs, and the public posts I have, for a long series of years, sustained, even to the highest in the ingdom, which, through his Majesty's favor, and no merit of my own, I held for four years. And this I speak to posterity, not out of ostentation; but because I judge it may somewhat import the dignity of learning, to have a man born for letters rather than anything else, who should, by a certain fatality, and against the bent of his genius, be compelled into active life, and yet be raised, by a prudent king, to the greatest posts of honor, trust, and civil employ. And if I should hereafter have leisure to write upon government, the work will probably either be posthumous or abortive. But in the meantime, having now seated all the sciences, each in its proper place, lest such a high chair as that of government should remain absolutely vacant, we here observe, that two parts of civil doctrine, though belonging not to the secrets of state, but of a more open and vulgar nature, are deficient, and shall, therefore, in our manner, give specimens for supplying them.

The art of government includes the political offices; viz., 1, the preservation; 2, the happiness; and 3, the enlargement of a state. The two former have, in good measure, been excellently treated by some;' but there is nothing ex

1 For an account of these authors, see Morhof's "Polyhist." tom. iii. De Prudentiæ Civilis Scriptoribus; and "Stollii Introduct. in Hist. Literar." cap. v. De Prudentia Politica.

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tant upon the last; which we, therefore, note as deficient, and propose the following sketch, by way of example, for supplying it, under the title of the Military Statesman, or the Doctrine of extending the Bounds of Empire.

THE MILITARY STATESMAN

OR A SPECIMEN OF THE DOCTRINE OF ENLARGING THE BOUNDS OF EMPIRE

2

The saying of Themistocles, if applied to himself, was indecent and haughty; but if meant in general, contains a very prudent observation, and as grave a censure. Being asked, at a feast, to touch a lute, he answered, "He could not fiddle; but he could raise a small village to a great city." Which words, if taken in a political sense, excellently describe and distinguish two very different faculties in those who are at the helm of states. For upon an exact survey, we shall find some, though but very few, that, being raised to the council-board, the senate, or other public office, can enlarge a small state, or city, and yet have little skill in music; but many more, who, having a good hand upon the harp, or the lute, that is, at the trifles of a court, are so far from enlarging a state, that they rather seem designed by nature to overturn and ruin it, though ever so happy and flourishing. And, indeed, those base arts and tricks by which many counsellors and men of great place procure the favor of their sovereign, and a popular character, deserve no other name than a certain knack of fiddling; as being things more pleasing for the present, and more ornamental to the practitioner, than useful, and suited to enlarge the bounds, or increase the riches of the state, whereof they are ministers. Again, there are, doubtless, counsellors and governors, who, though equal to business, and of no contemptible abilities, may commodiously manage things so as to preserve them from manifest precipices and inconveniences, though they by no means have the creative power of building and extending an empire. But whatever the workmen be, let us regard the work itself; viz., what is to Plutarch, Tus. Quæst. b. i. 2.

be deemed the true extent of kingdoms and republics, and by what means this may be procured-a subject well deserving to lie continually before princes, for their diligent meditation; lest, by overrating their own strength, they should rashly engage in too difficult and vain enterprises, or, thinking too meanly of their power, submit to timorous and effeminate counsels.

The greatness of an empire, in point of bulk and territory, is subject to mensuration, and for its revenue, to calculation. The number of inhabitants may be known by valuation or tax, and the number and extent of cities and towns, by survey and maps; yet in all civil affairs there is not a thing more liable to error than the making a true and intrinsic estimate of the strength and riches of a state. The kingdom of heaven is compared, not to an acorn, or any large nut, but to a grain of mustard-seed; which, though one of the least grains, has in it a certain quick property, and native spirit, whereby it rises soon, and spreads itself wide: so some states of very large compass are little suited to extend their limits, or procure a wider command, while others of small dimension prove the foundations of the greatest monarchies.

Fortified towns, well-stored arsenals, noble breeds of war-horses, armed chariots, elephants, engines, all kinds of artillery, arms, and the like, are nothing more than a sheep in a lion's skin, unless the nation itself be, from its origin and temper, stout and warlike. Nor is number of troops itself of any great service, where the soldiers are weak and enervate: for, as Virgil well observes, "The wolf cares not how large the flock is." The Persian army in the plains of Arbela, appeared to the eyes of the Macedonians as an immense ocean of people; insomuch that Alexander's leaders, being struck at the sight, counselled their general to fall upon them by night; but he replied, "I will not steal the victory"; and it was found an easier conquest than he expected. Tigranes, encamped upon a 3 Eclog. vii. 52.

4 Quintus Curtius, iv. 15, and Plutarch.

hill, with an army of four hundred thousand men, seeing the Roman army, consisting but of fourteen thousand, making up to him, he jested at it, and said, "Those men are too many for an embassy, but much too few for a battle":" yet before sunset he found them enough to give him chase, with infinite slaughter. And we have abundant examples of the great inequality between number and strength. This, therefore, may be first set down as a sure and certain maxim, and the capital of all the rest, with regard to the greatness of a state, that the people be of a military race, or both by origin and disposition warlike. The sinews of war are not money, if the sinews of men's arms be wanting, as they are in a soft and effeminate nation. It was a just answer of Solon to Croesus, who showed him all his treasure: "Yes, sir, but if another should come with better iron than you, he would be master of all this gold." And, therefore, all princes whose native subjects are not hardy and military, should make a very modest estimate of their power; as, on the other hand, those who rule a stout and martial people, may well enough know their own strength, if they be not otherwise wanting to themselves. As to hired forces, which is the usual remedy when native forces are wanting, there are numerous examples, which clearly show, that whatever state depends upon them, though it may perhaps for a time extend its feathers beyond its nest, yet they will mew soon after.

The blessing of Judah and Issachar can never meet; so that the same tribe, or nation, should be both the lion's whelp, and the ass under the burden: nor can a people, overburdened with taxes, ever be strong and warlike. It is true, that taxes levied by public consent less dispirit and sink the minds of the subject than those imposed in absolute governments; as clearly appears by what is called excise in the Netherlands, and in some measure by the contributions called the subsidies in England. We are now speaking of

5 Lucul.

Plut.

6 Machi. Discorso sopra Livio, lib. ii.

8 Genesis xlix. 9, 14.

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