stitutional liberty, and may that nation be as fit to receive and cherish it, as, on other occasions, she is capable of discharging her duties amongst the nations of Europe.'

Luckily there is always an obstructionist in the House of Commons-a Mr. Hume-to start up with an objection by way of rider to the very climax of unanimity: this useful functionary discharged his office on this memorable occasion with the happiest effect, for he succeeded in calling up Mr. Canning a second time, when he delivered a speech of loftier eloquence, and even more sustained energy than that with which he introduced the address. With reference to the French occupation of Spain, he admitted that it was to be lamented, but he denied that it was worth a war, and asserted that its effects had been infinitely exaggerated. As to Spain herself, she was no longer what she had been:

"Is the Spain of the present day, the Spain of which the statesmen of the times of William and Anne were so much afraid? Is it indeed the nation whose puissance was expected to shake England from her sphere? No, sir, it was quite another Spain-it was the Spain, within the limits of whose empire the sun never set-it was Spain with the Indies that excited the jealousies and alarmed the imaginations of our ancestors."

Admitted that the entrance of the French into Spain disturbed the balance of power. Ought we to have gone to war to restore it? Was there no other way to adjust this balance of power, which fluctuated eternally with the growth and decay of nations?

"Was there no other mode of resistance, than by a direct attack upon France-or by a war to be undertaken on the soil of Spain? What, if the possession of Spain might be rendered harmless in other hands-harmless as regarded us-and valueless to the possessors ? Might not compensation for disparagement be obtained, and the policy of our ancestors vindicated,

by means better adapted to the present time? If France occupied Spain, was it necessary, in order to avoid the consequences of that occupation, that we should blockade Cadiz ? No. I looked another way-I sought materials of compensation in another hemisphere. Contemplating Spain such as our ancestors had known her, I resolved that if France had Spain it should not be Spain with the Indies. I CALLED THE NEW WORLD INTO EXISTENCE TO REDRESS THE BALANCE OF THE OLD."

This speech as has been said of the eloquence of Chatwas an era in the Senate." The effect was tremen

ham, dous. "It was an epoch in a man's life,” says a member of the Commons, "to have heard him. I shall never forget the deep, moral earnestness of his tone, and the blaze of glory that seemed to light up his features when he spoke of the Portuguese Charter." The same writer furnishes the following details.

"He was equally grand when, in his reply, he said: 'I do not believe that there is that Spain of which our ancestors were so justly jealous, that Spain upon whose territories it was proudly boasted the sun never set!' But when, in the style and manner of Chatham, he said, 'I looked to Spain in the Indies; I called a new world into existence, to redress the balance of the old,' the effect was actually terrific. It was as if every man in the house had been electrified. Tierney, who before that was shifting in his seat, and taking off his hat and putting it on again, and taking large and frequent pinches of snuff, and turning from side to side, till he, I suppose, wore his breeches through, seemed petrified, and sat fixed, and staring with his mouth open for half a minute! Mr. Canning seemed actually to have increased in stature, his attitude was so majestic. I remarked his flourishes were made with his left arm; the effect was new, and beautiful; his chest heaved and expanded, his nostril dilated, a noble pride slightly curled his lip; and age and sickness were dissolved and forgotten in the ardour of youthful genius; all the while a serenity sat on his brow, that pointed to deeds of glory. It reminded me, and came up to what I have heard, of the effects of Athenian eloquence."*

* 66 Diary of an M.P."

Mr. Canning had now reached the pinnacle of his fame. His ambition had accomplished nearly its highest aims— his genius had overwhelmed all opposition. How little did England anticipate, at this proud moment, that she was so soon to lose her accomplished and patriotic statesman!

XIV.

COMMERCIAL POLICY.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
ĮPATION. TEST ACT.

CATHOLIC EMANCI

MR. CANNING'S commercial policy was indentical with that of Mr. Huskisson. His general principle was this -that commerce flourished best when wholly unfettered by restrictions. But, as modern nations had grown up under various systems, and were never secure from fuctuation, he maintained that it was necessary to observe a discriminating judgment in the application of this principle. The wise course was always to keep it in sight, and to work towards it, as the final aim of legislation. He held the doctrine of protection, in the abstract, to be unsound as well as unjust. Bounties, monopolies, and all special exemptions in favour of particular classes or particular interests, were consequently the objects against which his commercial system was cautiously but continuously directed.

The Reciprocity Act, brought in by Mr. Robinson in 1823, was an indication of that system. By this act the King in council was authorised to place the ships of foreign states, importing articles into Great Britain or her colonies on the same footing of duties as British ships, provided such foreign states extended a like equality to British

ships trading with their ports. It will be seen at a glance that the principle of extinguishing restrictions was thus fully declared, while its practical application was carefully regulated by a scale of safe equivalents.

The powers granted by this act, were sufficiently expansive to meet every contingency. If the King in council had the power of relinquishing the duties on foreign ships and cargoes, where the principle of reciprocity was mutually conceded, he had also a retaliatory power of imposing increased duties where that principle was evaded or resisted. Mr. Canning was not slow to avail himself of this power, as an indirect means of compelling other countries to admit a more reasonable spirit into their tariffs. A curious instance occurred with reference to Holland, in 1826. M. Falck, the Dutch minister, having made a one-sided proposition for the admission of English ships, by which a considerable advantage would have accrued to Holland, a long and tedious negotiation ensued. It was dragged on, month after month, without arriving one step nearer to a consummation, the Dutch still holding out for their own interests. At last Mr. Canning's patience was exhausted. Sir Charles Bagot, our ambassador at the Hague, was one day attending at court, when a despatch in cypher was hastily put into his hand. It was very short, and evidently very urgent; but unfortunately Sir Charles, not expecting such a communication, had not the key of the cypher with him. An interval of intense anxiety fol- · lowed, until he obtained the key; when to his infinite. astonishment he decyphered the following despatch from the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs:

"In matters of commerce, the fault of the Dutch

Is giving too little and asking too much;